E 

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.72 


GIFT   OF 
Felix  flu    el 


Number  24 


February,  1887 


Ltt]W.vraTiPjTli>£A; 


JRULES 
OF   CONDUCT 


DIARY    OF   ADVENTURE 

LETTERS,  AND 
FAREWELL  ADDRESSES 


GEORGE   WASHINGTON 


WiTH    INTRODUCTIONS 
AND    NOTES 


HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN    &  COMPANY 
BOSTON,   NEW  YORK,  AND  CHICAGO 


ngle  Numbers  FIFTEEN  CENTS        (         Yearly  Subscription 
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4.  Whittiar's  Snow-Bound,  and  Other  Poems.*  Jf  ** 

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6.  Holmes's  Grandmother's  Story  ot  Bunker  Hill  Battle,  etc.** 

7.  8,  !).   Hawthorne's  Grandfather's  Chair  :   True  Stories  from 

England  History.     1G20-1803.     la  three  parts,  tt 

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44.  Edgeworth's  Waste  Not,  Want  Not ;  and  The  Barring  Out. 

45.  Macaulay's  Lays  of  Ancient  Rome.* 

46.  Old  Testament  Stories  in  Scripture  Language. 

47.  48.   Fables  and  Folk  Stories.     In  two  parts. J: 
49,  50.   Hans  Andersen's  Stories.     In  two  parts,  J 

51,  52.   Washington  Irving  :  .Essays  from  the  Sketch  Book.    [51.]  Rip 

Van  "Winkl",  and  other  American  Essays.     [52.]  The  Voyage,  and  other  English 

Essays.     In  two  parts,  t 
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2Dtje  Ktoersiae  literature 


RULES    OF   CONDUCT 

DIARY  OF  ADVENTURE,  LETTERS,  AND 
FAREWELL  ADDRESSES 


BY 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON 


WITH  INTRODUCTIONS  AND  NOTES 


HOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  AND  COMPANY 

Boston :  4  Park  Street ;  New  York :  11  East  Seventeenth  Street 
Chicago :  378-388  Wabash  Avenue 

,  Cambnbrje 


Copyright,  1887, 
EOUGHTON,  MIFFLIN  &  CO. 

All  rights  reserved. 


Tke  Riverside  Press,  Cambridge,  Mass.,  U.  S.  A. 
Electrotyped  and  Printed  by  II.  0.  Houghton  &  Company. 


Es/a 

.72. 

my 


PREFACE. 


THERE  are  many  biographies  of  Washington,  and 
every  history  of  the  United  States  gives  prominence 
to  the  facts  in  the  life  of  the  great  leader  in  the  war 
for  independence,  and  the  first  President  of  the  Union. 
The  city  where  the  Congress  of  the  nation  meets  is 
named  after  the  greatest  American,  and  every  year  on 
the  twenty-second  of  February  the  people  are  given  a 
holiday  to  remind  them  of  the  man  whose  birth  meant 
so  much  to  the  nation.  It  is  of  prime  importance 
that  a  democracy,  which  recognizes  the  worth  of  the 
person,  has  for  its  great  exemplar  a  man  so  wise,  so 
noble,  so  unselfish  as  its  first  citizen.  Character  makes 
character,  and  the  figure  of  Washington  as  it  looms 
up  in  the  past  is  a  rebuke  to  all  that  is  mean  and 
ignoble  in  American  public  life. 

The  birthday  of  Washington,  coming  in  the  middle 
of  winter,  offers  a  capital  opportunity  for  schools  to 
take  a  Jittle  rest  and  enjoy  a  special  celebration.  This 
pamphlet  gives  in  convenient  form  the  most  striking 
passages  in  Washington's  life,  told  in  his  own  words, 
with  such  preliminary  notes  as  are  needed  to  make 
the  circumstances  of  the  writing  clear.  There  is  ma 
terial,  therefore,  for  a  celebration,  and  by  a  little  in 
genuity  it  can  be  used  in  a  variety  of  ways.  Thus,  as 
part  of  the  exercises,  each  member  of  the  class  may 

W 


iv  PREFACE. 

choose  one  of  the  rules  to  recite  and  to  take  as  a  motto 
for  practical  conduct.  If  the  school  is  situated  near 
any  point  visited  by  Washington,  some  one  of  the 
scholars  may  prepare  an  essay  upon  the  local  associa 
tions  with  Washington,  or  there  may  be  a  written 
newspaper,  edited  by  one  of  the  class,  and  containing 
contributions  from  various  members.  It  will  often  be 
possible  to  borrow  from  some  museum  in  the  neigh 
borhood  the  dress  of  a  continental  soldier  to  use  in 
an  effective  tableau. 

Mr.  Lowell's  poem,  "Under  the  Old  Elm,"  has 
some  noble  lines  characterizing  Washington.  The 
fact  that  Longfellow's  home  was  the  headquarters 
originally  of  Washington  in  Cambridge,  gives  an  op 
portunity  for  a  pleasing  connection  between  the  states 
man  and  the  poet.  As  Washington  is  so  closely  iden 
tified  with  the  war  for  independence,  the  children  may 
be  encouraged  to  bring  in  revolutionary  relics,  and  a 
temporary  museum  can  be  made  with  talks  about  the 
different  objects.  Even  if  nothing  else  is  done,  this 
liifcle  volume  can  be  read  by  turns  in  the  class,  and  a 
geographical  exercise  connected  with  it. 


CONTENTS. 


I.   WASHINGTON'S  RULES       . 7 

II.  A  DANGEROUS  ERRAND 13 

III.  WITH  GENERAL  BRADDOCK 23 

IV.  A  VIRGINIA  PLANTER 35 

V.   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF        .                43 

VI.  IN  CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE 49 

VII.  MR.  WASHINGTON  OR  GENERAL  WASHINGTON         .        .  65 

VIII.  AT  VALLEY  FORGE 69 

IX.  FAREWELL  TO  THE  ARMY 77 

X.   FAREWELL  ADDRESS  TO  THE  PEOPLE  OF  THE  UNITED 

STATES         .                83 

EVENTS  IN  THE  LIFE  OF  GEORGE  WASHINGTON       .       .       .  105 


WASHINGTON'S    RULES. 


THE  copy-books  and  exercise-books  of  most  boys  are  early 
destroyed,  but  it  chances  that  those  of  George  Washington  have 
been  kept,  and  they  are  very  interesting.  The  handwriting  in 
them  is  the  first  thing  to  be  noticed,  —  round,  fair,  and  bold,  the 
letters  large  like  the  hand  that  formed  them,  and  the  lines  run 
ning  straight  and  even.  In  the  arithmetic  and  book-keeping 
manuals  which  we  study  at  school,  there  are  printed  forms  of 
receipts,  bills,  and  other  ordinary  business  papers  ;  but  in  Wash 
ington's  school-days,  the  teacher  showed  the  boys  how  to  draw 
these  up,  and  gave  them  also  copies  of  longer  papers,  like  leases, 
deeds,  and  wills.  There  were  few  lawyers  in  Virginia,  and  every 
gentleman  was  supposed  to  know  many  forms  of  documents 
which  now  are  left  to  our  lawyers  or  stationers. 

Washington's  exercise-books  have  many  pages  of  these  forms, 
written  out  carefully  by  the  boy.  Sometimes  he  made  orna 
mental  letters  such  as  clerks  were  wont  to  use.  This  was  not 
merely  exercise  in  penmanship  ;  it  was  practice  work  in  all  that 
careful  keeping  of  accounts  and  those  business  methods  which 
were  sure  to  be  needed  by  one  who  had  to  manage  a  large  planta 
tion.  George  Washington  was  to  manage  something  greater, 
though  no  one  then  knew  it  ;  and  the  habits  which  he  formed  at 
this  time  were  of  inestimable  value  to  him  in  his  manhood. 

The  manuscript  book  which  contains  these  exercises  has  also  a 
list  of  a  hundred  and  ten  Rules  of  Civility  and  Decent  Behavior  in 
Company  and  Conversation.  They  were  probably  not  made  up  by 
the  boy,  but  copied  from  some  book,  or  taken  down  from  the  lips 
of  his  mother  or  teacher.  Fifty-seven  of  them  are  printed  by 
Mr.  Sparks  in  his  Writings  of  Washington.  They  sound  rather 
stiff  to  us,  but  it  was  a  common  thing  in  those  days  to  set  such 
rules  before  children,  and  George  Washington,  with  his  liking 
for  regular,  orderly  ways  —  evident  in  his  very  writing  —  prob* 


8  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

ably  used  the  rules  and  perhaps  committed  them  to  memory,  to 
secure  an  even  temper  and  self-control.  They  touch  on  things 
great  and  small.  The  difficulty  with  most  boys  would  be  to  fol 
low  a  hundred  and  ten  of  such  rules.  They  serve,  however,  to 
show  what  was  the  standard  of  good  .manners  and  morals  among 
those  who  had  the  training  of  George  Washington.  The  best  of 
rules  would  have  done  little  with  poor  stuff  ;  it  was  because  this 
boy  had  a  manly  and  honorable  spirit  that  he  could  be  trained  in 
manly  and  honorable  ways. 

1.  Every  action  in  company  ought  to  be  with  some 
sign  of  respect  to  those  present. 

2.  In  the  presence  of  others  sing  not  to  yourself 
with  a  humming  noise,  nor  drum .  with   your  fingers 
or  feet. 

3.  Sleep  not  when  others  speak,  sit  not  when  others 
stand,  speak  not  when  you  should  hold  your  peace, 
walk  not  when  others  stop. 

4.  Turn  not  your  back  to  others,  especially  in  speak 
ing  ;  jog  not  the  table  or  desk  on  which  another  reads 
or  writes  ;  lean  not  on  any  one. 

5.  Be  no  flatterer ;  neither  play  with  any  one  that 
delights  not  to  be  played  witht 

6.  Read  no  letters,  books,  or  papers  in  company ; 
but  when  there  is  a  necessity  for  doing  it,  you  must 
ask  leave.     Come  not  near  the  books  or  writings  of 
any  one  so  as  to  read  them,  unless  desired,  nor  give 
your  opinion  of   them  unasked  ;    also,  look  not  nigh 
when  another  is  writing  a  letter. 

7.  Let  your  countenance  be  pleasant,  but  in  serious 
matters  somewhat  grave. 

8.  Show  not  yourself  glad  at  the  misfortune  of  an 
other,  though  he  were  your  enemy. 

9.  When  you  meet  with  one  of  greater  quality  than 
yourself,  stop  and  retire,  especially  if  it  be  at  a  door 
or  any  strait  place,  to  give  way  for  him  to  pass. 


WASHINGTON'S  RULES.  9 

10.  They  that  are  in  dignity,  or  in  office,  have  in  all 
places  precedency  ;    but  whilst   they  are  young  they 
ought  to  respect  those  that  are  their  equals  in  birth 
or  other  qualities,  though  they  have  no  public  charge. 

11.  It  is  good  manners  to  prefer  them  to  whom  we 
speak  before  ourselves,  especially  if  they  be  above  us, 
with  whom  in  no  sort  we  ought  to  begin. 

12.  Let  your  discourse    with  men   of  business  be 
short  and  comprehensive. 

13.  In  visiting  the  sick,  do  not  presently  play  the 
physician  if  you  be  not  knowing  therein. 

14.  In  writing,  or  speaking,  give  to  every  person  his 
due  title,  according  to  his  degree  and  the  custom  of  the 
place. 

15.  Strive  not  with  your  superiors  in  argument,  but 
always  submit  your  judgment  to  others  with  modesty. 

16.  Undertake  not  to  teach  your  equal  in  the  art 
himself  professes :    it  savors  of  arrogancy. 

17.  When  a  man  does  all  he  can,  though  it  succeeds 
not  well,  blame  not  him  that  did  it. 

18.  Being  to  advise,  or  reprehend  any  one,  consider 
whether  it  ought  to  be  in  public  or  in  private,  presently 
or  at  some  other  time,  and  in  what  terms  to  do  it ;  and 
in  reproving  show  no  signs  of  choler,  but  do  it  with 
sweetness  and  mildness. 

19.  Take  all  admonitions  thankfully,  in  what  time 
or  place  soever  given  ;  but  afterwards,  not  being  cul 
pable,  take   a  time  and  place  convenient  to  let  him 
know  it  that  gave  them. 

20.  Mock  not,  nor  jest  at  anything  of  importance  ,° 
break  no  jests  that  are  sharp-biting,  and  if  you  deliver 
anything  witty  and  pleasant,  abstain  from   laughing 
thereat  yourself. 

21.  Wherein  you  reprove  another    be  unblamable 


10  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

yourself ;    for  example  is  more   prevalent   than  pre 
cepts. 

22.  Use  no  reproachful  language  against  any  one, 
neither  curse  nor  revile. 

23.  Be  not  hasty  to  believe  flying  reports  to  the  dis 
paragement  of  any. 

24.  In  your  apparel  be  modest,  and  endeavor  to  ac 
commodate  nature,  rather  than  to  procure  admiration  ; 
keep  to  the  fashion  of  your  equals,  such  as  are  civil 
and  orderly  with  respect  to  times  and  places. 

25.  Play  not  the  peacock,  looking  everywhere  about 
you  to  see  if  you  be  well  decked,  if  your  shoes  fit  well, 
if  your  stockings  sit  neatly,  and  clothes  handsomely. 

26.  Associate  yourself  with  men  of  good  quality,  if 
you  esteem  your  own  reputation,  for  it  is  better  to  be 
alone  than  in  bad  company. 

27.  Let   your   conversation  be   without   malice   or 
envy,  for  it  is  a  sign  of  a  tractable  and  commendable 
nature  ;  and  in  all  causes  of  passion,  admit  reason  to 
govern. 

28.  Be  not  immodest  in  urging  your  friend  to  dis 
cover  a  secret. 

29.  Utter  not    base  and  frivolous  things   amongst 
grave  and  learned  men ;  nor  very  difficult  questions 
or  subjects  among  the  ignorant ;  nor  things  hard  to  be 
believed. 

30.  Speak  not  of  doleful  things  in  time  of  mirth, 
nor  at  the  table  ;    speak  not  of  melancholy  things,  as 
death,  and  wounds,  and  if  others  mention  them,  change, 
if  you  can,  the  discourse.     Tell  not  your  dreams,  but  to 
your  intimate  friend. 

31.  Break  not  a  jest  where  none  takes  pleasure  in 
mirth  ;  laugh  not  aloud,  nor  at  all  without  occasion. 
Deride  no  man's  misfortune,  though  there  seem  to  be 
some  cause. 


WASHINGTON'S  RULES.  11 

32.  Speak  not  injurious  words,  neither  in  jest  nor 
earnest  ;    scoff  at  none  although  they  give  occasion. 

33.  Be  not  forward,  but  friendly  and  courteous  ;  the 
first  to  salute,  hear,  and  answer ;  and  be  not  pensive 
when  it  is  a  time  to  converse. 

34.  Detract  not  from  others,  neither  be  excessive  in 
commending. 

35.  Go  not  thither    where  you  know  not  whether 
you  shall  be  welcome  or  not.    Give  not  advice  without 
being  asked,  and  when  desired,  do  it  briefly. 

36.  If  two  contend  together,  take  not  the  part  of 
either  unconstrained,  and  be  not  obstinate  in  your  own 
opinion  ;    in  things  indifferent  be  of  the  major  side. 

37.  Reprehend  not  the  imperfections  of  others,  for 
that  belongs  to  parents,  masters,  and  superiors. 

38.  Gaze  not  on  the  marks  or  blemishes  of  others, 
and  ask  not  how  they  came.     What  you  may  speak 
in  secret  to  your  friend,  deliver  not  before  others. 

39.  Speak  not  in  an  unknown  tongue  in  company,  but 
in  your  own  language,  and  that  as  those  of  quality  do 
and  not  as  the  vulgar ;  sublime  matters  treat  seriously. 

40.  Think  before  you  speak  ;  pronounce  not  imper 
fectly,   nor   bring   out   your   words    too   hastily,   but 
orderly  and  distinctly. 

41.  When  another  speaks  be  attentive  yourself,  and 
disturb  not  the  audience.  If  any  hesitate  in  his  words, 
help  him  not,  nor  prompt  him  without  being  desired  ; 
interrupt    him   not,  nor  answer  him,  till   his   speech 
be  ended. 

42.  Treat  with  men  at  fit  times  about  business :  and 
whisper  not  in  the  company  of  others. 

43.  Make  no  comparisons,  and  if  any  of  the  com 
pany  be  commended  for  any  brave  act  of  virtue,  com 
mend  not  another  for  the  same. 


12  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

44.  Be  not  apt  to  relate  news  if  you  know  not   the 
truth   thereof.      In   discoursing   of  things   you   have 
heard,  name  not  your  author  always.     A  secret  dis 
cover  not. 

45.  Be  not  curious  to  know  the  affairs  of  others, 
neither  approach  to  those  that  speak  in  private. 

46.  Undertake  not  what  you  cannot  perform,  but  be 
careful  to  keep  your  promise. 

47.  When  you  deliver  a  matter,  do  it  without  pas 
sion  and  with  discretion,  however  mean  the  person  be 
you  do  it  to. 

48.  When  your  superiors  talk  to  anybody,  hearken 
not,  neither  speak,  nor  laugh. 

49.  In  disputes  be  not  so  desirous  to  overcome  as 
not  to  give  liberty  to  each  one  to  deliver  his  opinion, 
and  submit  to  the  judgment  of  the  major  part,  espe 
cially  if  they  are  judges  of  the  dispute. 

50.  Be  not  tedious  in  discourse  ;   make  not  many 
digressions,  nor  repeat  often  the  same  manner  of  dis 
course. 

51.  Speak  not  evil  of  the  absent,  for  it  is  unjust. 

52.  Make  no  show  of  taking  great  delight  in  your 
victuals ;    feed  not  with  greediness ;    cut   your  bread 
with  a  knife  ;  lean  not  on  the  table  ;  neither  find  fault 
with  what  you  eat. 

53.  Be  not  angry  at  table,  whatever  happens,  and 
if  you  have  reason  to  be  so,  show  it  not ;  put  on  a 
cheerful  countenance,  especially  if  there  be  strangers, 
for  good  humor  makes  one  dish  of  meat  a  feast. 

54.  Set  not  yourself  at  the  upper  end  of  the  table ; 
but  if  it  be  your  due,  or  that  the  master  of  the  house 
will  have  it  so,  contend  not,  lest  you  should  trouble 
the  company. 

55.  When  you  speak  of  God  or  his  attributes,  let  it 


A   DANGEROUS  ERRAND.  13 

be  seriously  in  reverence.    Honor  and  obey  your  natu 
ral  parents,  although  they  be  poor. 

56.  Let  your  recreations  be  manful,  not  sinful. 

57.  Labor  to  keep  alive  in  your  breast  that  little 
spark  of  celestial  fire,  called  conscience. 


II. 

A   DANGEROUS   ERRAND. 

IN  1753  the  French  and  the  English  were  both  trying  to  get 
possession  of  the  Valley  of  the  Ohio,  and  news  came  to  Vir 
ginia  that  the  French  governor  of  Canada  had  sent  troops  and 
supplies  into  the  country,  was  making  friends  with  the  Indians, 
and  had  even  seized  certain  English  traders  and  sent  them 
prisoners  to  France.  The  English  people  most  directly  inter 
ested  in  the  matter  were  the  members  of  the  Ohio  Company,  a 
land  company  formed  for  the  purpose  of  occupying  and  settling 
what  was  vaguely  known  as  the  Ohio  country,  that  is,  the  land 
watered  by  the  Ohio  River  and  its  tributaries.  The  governor  of 
Virginia  was  a  stockholder  in  the  company,  and  he  determined 
at  once  to  send  a  commissioner  to  the  officer  in  command  of  the 
French  forces,  and  ask  by  what  right  Frenchmen  were  building 
forts  in  the  king's  dominions,  and  what  they  were  intending 
to  do  ;  why  they  had  made  prisoners  of  peaceable  English 
men  ;  and  as  the  two  nations  were  not  at  war,  why  French 
soldiers  were  invading  English  territory.  Moreover,  the  com 
missioner  was  to  see  the  Indian  chiefs  and  make  sure  that  they 
did  not  form  an  alliance  with  the  French. 

It  was  no  slight  matter  for  any  one  to  undertake  such  an 
errand.  He  must  know  something  of  the  country  ;  he  must  be 
used  to  the  Indians  ;  he  must  be  a  person  whom  the  French 
would  respect  ;  above  all,  he  must  be  strong  of  body,  coura 
geous,  prudent,  wise,  and  on  the  alert  ;  for  the  journey  would 
be  a  severe  one,  and  the  messenger  would  need  to  have  what  is 
called  a  "level  head."  Of  course  no  one  expected  that  the 
French  commandant  would  kindly  sit  down  and  tell  the  Vir- 


14  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

ginian  commissioner  what  he  meant  to  do  ;  the  commissioner 
must  find  that  out  by  his  own  sagacity. 

Now,  one  of  the  principal  members  of  the  Ohio  Company  was 
Lawrence  Washington,  who  had  recently  died  and  left  his  affairs 
in  the  hands  of  his  younger  brother  George.  George  Washing 
ton  knew  perfectly  what  interests  were  at  stake.  Besides,  he 
was  a  backwoodsman  ;  it  was  no  novelty  for  him  to  follow  trails 
through  the  forest ;  he  could  deal  with  Indians  ;  and  above  all, 
he  had  shown  himself  a  clear-headed,  far-sighted  young  man, 
whom  every  one  instinctively  trusted.  He  was  one  of  His 
Majesty's  officers,  for  he  was  Adjutant-General  of  the  Northern 
District,  and  so,  though  Major  George  Washington  was  but 
twenty-one  years  old,  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  his  council  se 
lected  him  for  this  delicate  and  weighty  mission. 

It  was  no  summer  jaunt  on  which  he  set  out.  He  waited  upon 
the  governor  at  Williamsburg,  and  was  armed  with  papers  duly 
signed  and  sealed  with  the  great  seal  of  Virginia,  giving  him 
authority  as  commissioner.  On  October  30,  1753,  he  left  Wil 
liamsburg  with  a  journey  of  more  than  a  thousand  miles  before 
him.  He  stopped  at  Fredericksburg  to  say  good-by  to  his 
mother,  and  to  engage  his  old  fencing-master,  Van  Braam,  as  an 
interpreter.  Washington  knew  no  French,  and  never  learned  it. 
Van  Braam  pretended  to  know  it  well,  but  really  had  only  an 
ignorant  smattering  of  the  language.  From  Fredericksburg 
Washington  went  to  Alexandria,  where  he  laid  in  supplies,  and 
to  Winchester,  which  was  the  most  important  frontier  settle 
ment,  where  he  provided  himself  with  horses,  tents,  and  other 
camp  equipments. 

The  real  start  of  the  expedition  was  to  be  made  from  Wills 
Creek,  now  Cumberland,  in  Maryland,  which  was  the  outpost  of 
civilization.  Here  Washington  arrived  November  14,  and  made 
up  his  little  company.  It  consisted  of  Christopher  Gist,  who 
was  in  the  employ  of  the  Ohio  Company  and  was  an  experienced 
frontiersman  ;  Jacob  Van  Braam,  the  interpreter  ;  Davidson,  an 
Indian  interpreter  ;  and  four  frontiersmen.  The  party  was  now 
complete,  and  the  next  day  plunged  into  the  wilderness. 

Washington  kept  a  journal  of  this  expedition,  in  which  he  set 
down  his  adventures.  He  had  great  difficulty  in  getting  at  the 
French  commandant,  but  finally  reached  him  at  Fort  Le  Bo3uf. 
The  passages  in  the  Journal  which  follow  detail  the  experiences 
of  Washington  from  this  time  till  he  returned  to  Williamsburg 
and  made  his  report  to  the  governor. 


A   DANGEROUS  ERRAND.  15 

December  12.  —  I  prepared  early  to  wait  upon  the 
commander,  and  was  received  and  conducted  to  him 
by  the  second  officer  in  command.  I  acquainted  him 
with  my  business,  and  offered  my  commission  and 
letter  ;  both  of  which  he  desired  me  to  keep  until  the 
arrival  of  Monsieur  Reparti,  captain  at  the  next  fort, 
who  was  sent  for  and  expected  every  hour. 

This  commander  is  a  knight  of  the  military  order  of 
St.  Louis,  and  named  Legardeur  cle  St.  Pierre.  He 
is  an  elderly  gentleman,  and  has  much  the  air  of  a 
soldier.  He  was  sent  over  to  take  the  command  im 
mediately  upon  the  death  of  the  late  general,  and  ar 
rived  here  about  seven  days  before  me. 

At  two  o'clock,  the  gentleman  who  was  sent  for  ar 
rived,  when  I  offered  the  letter,  etc.  again,  which  they 
received,  and  adjourned  into  a  private  apartment  for 
the  captain  to  translate,  who  understood  a  little  Eng 
lish.  After  he  had  done  it,  the  commander  desired  I 
would  walk  in  and  bring  my  interpreter  to  peruse  and 
correct  it ;  which  I  did. 

Dece?nber  13.  —  The  chief  officers  retired  to  hold 
a  council  of  war,  which  gave  me  an  opportunity  of 
taking  the  dimensions  of  the  fort,  and  making  what 
observations  I  could. 

It  is  situated  on  the  south  or  west  fork  of  French 
Creek,  near  the  water ;  and  is  almost  surrounded  by 
the  creek,  and  a  small  branch  of  it,  which  form  a  kind 
of  island.  Four  houses  compose  the  sides.  The  bas 
tions  are  made  of  piles  driven  into  the  ground,  stand 
ing  more  than  twelve  feet  above  it,  and  sharp  at  top, 
with  port-holes  cut  for  cannon,  and  loop-holes  for  the 
small  arms  to  fire  through.  There  are  eight  six- 
pounds  pieces  mounted  in  each  bastion,  and  one  piece 
of  four  pounds  before  the  gate.  In  the  bastions  are 


16  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

a  guard-house,  chapel,  doctor's  lodging,  and  the  com 
mander's  private  store ;  round  which  are  laid  plat 
forms  for  the  cannon  and  men  to  stand  on.  There 
are  several  barracks  without  the  fort,  for  the  soldiers' 
dwellings,  covered,  some  with  bark,  and  some  with 
boards,  made  chiefly  of  logs.  There  are  also  several 
other  houses,  such  as  stables,  smith's  shop,  etc. 

I  could  get  no  certain  account  of  the  number  of 
men  here  ;  but,  according  to  the  best  judgment  I 
could  form,  there  are  a  hundred,  exclusive  of  officers, 
of  whom  there  are  many.  I  also  gave  orders  to  the 
people  who  were  with  me,  to  take  an  exact  account  of 
the  canoes,  which  were  hauled  up  to  convey  their 
forces  down  in  the  spring.  This  they  did,  and  told 
fifty  of  the  birch  bark,  and  a  hundred  and  seventy  of 
pine ;  besides  many  others,  which  were  blocked  out, 
in  readiness  for  being  made. 

December  14.  — As  the  snow  increased  very  fast, 
and  our  horses  daily  became  weaker,  I  sent  them  off 
unloaded,  under  the  care  of  Barnaby  Currin  and  two 
others,  to  make  all  convenient  dispatch  to  Venango,1 
and  there  to  wait  our  arrival,  if  there  was  a  prospect 
of  the  river's  freezing  ;  if  not,  then  to  continue  down 
to  Shannopin's  Town,  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  and 
there  to  wait  until  we  came  to  cross  the  Allegany ; 
intending  myself  to  go  down  by  water,  as  I  had  the 
offer  of  a  canoe  or  two. 

As  I  found  many  plots  concerted  to  retard  the  In 
dians'  business,  and  prevent  their  returning  with  me, 
1  endeavored  all  that  lay  in  my  power  to  frustrate 
their  schemes,  and  hurried  them  on  to  execute  their  in 
tended  design.  They  accordingly  pressed  for  admit 
tance  this  evening,  which  at  length  was  granted  them, 

1  Now  Franklin,  in  Venango  County,  Pennsylvania. 


A   DANGEROUS  ERRAND.  17 

privately,  to  the  commander  and  one  or  two  other 
officers.  The  Half-King  1  told  me,  that  he  offered  the 
wampum  to  the  commander,  who  evaded  taking  it,  and 
made  many  fair  promises  of  love  and  friendship  ;  said 
he  wanted  to  live  in  peace  and  trade  amicably  with 
them,  as  a  proof  of  which  he  would  send  some  goods 
immediately  down  to  the  Logstown  2  for  them.  But  I 
rather  think  the  design  of  that  is  to  bring  away  all  our 
straggling  traders  they  meet  with,  as  I  privately  un 
derstood  they  intended  to  carry  an  officer  with  them. 
And  what  rather  confirms  this  opinion,  I  was  inquir 
ing  of  the  commander  by  what  authority  he  had  made 
prisoners  of  several  of  our  English  subjects.  He  told 
me  that  the  country  belonged  to  them  ;  that  no  Eng 
lishman  had  a  right  to  trade  upon  those  waters  ;  and 
that  he  had  orders  to  make  every  person  prisoner, 
who  attempted  it  on  the  Ohio,  or  the  waters  of  it. 

I  inquired  of  Captain  Reparti  about  the  boy  that 
was  carried  by  this  place,  as  it  was  done  while  the 
command  devolved  on  him,  between  the  death  of  the 
late  general  and  the  arrival  of  the  present.  He  ac 
knowledged  that  a  boy  had  been  carried  past,  and  that 
the  Indians  had  two  or  three  white  men's  scalps  (I  was 
told  by  some  of  the  Indians  at  Venango,  eight),  but 
pretended  to  have  forgotten  the  name  of  the  place 
where  the  boy  came  from,  and  all  the  particular  facts, 
though  he  had  questioned  him  for  some  hours,  as  they 
were  carrying  him  past.  I  likewise  inquired  what  they 
had  done  with  John  Trotter  and  James  McClocklan, 
two  Pennsylvania  traders,  whom  they  had  taken  with 
all  their  goods.  They  told  me,  that  they  had  been  sent 
to  Canada,  but  were  now  returned  home. 

1  The  Half -King  was  an  Indian  chief,  who  with  other  Indians  had 
joined  Washington  after  he  had  entered  the  woods. 

2  On  the  Ohio  River,  about  seventeen  miles  from  Pittsburg. 


18  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

This  evening  I  received  an  answer  to  his  Honor  the 
Governor's  letter  from  the  commandant. 

December  15.  —  The  commandant  ordered  a  plenti 
ful  store  of  liquor  and  provision  to  be  put  on  board 
our  canoes,  and  appeared  to  be  extremely  complai 
sant,  though  he  was  exerting  every  artifice  which  he 
could  invent  to  set  our  Indians  at  variance  with  us, 
to  prevent  their  going  until  after  our  departure ; 
presents,  rewards,  and  everything,  which  could  be  sug 
gested  by  him  or  his  officers.  I  cannot  say  that  ever 
in  my  life  I  suffered  so  much  anxiety  as  I  did  in 
this  affair.  I  saw  that  every  stratagem  which  the 
most  fruitful  brain  could  invent  was  practised  to  win 
the  Half -King  to  their  interest,  and  that  leaving  him 
there  was  giving  them  the  opportunity  they  aimed  at. 
I  went  to  the  Half-King  and  pressed  him  in  the 
strongest  terms  to  go  ;  he  told  me  that  the  comman 
dant  would  not  discharge  him  until  the  morning.  I 
then  went  to  the  commandant  and  desired  him  to  do 
their  business,  and  complained  of  ill  treatment ;  for 
keeping  them,  as  they  were  part  of  my  company,  was 
detaining  me.  This  he  promised  not  to  do,  but  to  for 
ward  my  journey  as  much  as  he  could.  He  protested 
he  did  not  keep  them,  but  was  ignorant  of  the  cause 
of  their  stay ;  though  I  soon  found  it  out.  He  had 
promised  them  a  present  of  guns,  if  they  would  wait 
until  the  morning.  As  I  was  very  much  pressed  by 
the  Indians  to  wait  this  day  for  them,  I  consented,  on 
a  promise  that  nothing  should  hinder  them  in  the 
morning. 

December  16.  —  The  French  were  not  slack  in 
their  inventions  to  keep  the  Indians  this  day  also. 
But  as  they  were  obliged,  according  to  promise,  to 
give  the  present,  they  then  endeavored  to  try  the 


A    DANGEROUS  ERRAND.  19 

power  of  liquor,  which  I  doubt  not  would  have  pre 
vailed  at  any  other  time  than  this ;  but  I  urged  and 
insisted  with  the  King  so  closely  upon  his  word,  that 
he  refrained,  and  set  off  with  us  as  he  had  engaged. 

We  had  a  tedious  and  very  fatiguing  passage  down 
the  creek.  Several  times  we  had  like  to  have  been 
staved  against  rocks  ;  and  many  times  were  obliged 
all  hands  to  get  out  and  remain  in  the  water  half  an 
hour  or  more,  getting  over  the  shoals.  At  one  place, 
the  ice  had  lodged,  and  made  it  impassable  by  water ; 
we  were,  therefore,  obliged  to  carry  our  canoe  across 
the  neck  of  land,  a  quarter  of  a  mile  over.  We  did 
not  reach  Venango  until  the  22d,  where  we  met  witli 
our  horses. 

This  creek  is  extremely  crooked.  I  dare  say  the 
distance  between  the  fort  and  Venango  cannot  be  less 
than  one  hundred  and  thirty  miles,  to  follow  the 
meanders. 

December  23.  —  When  I  got  things  ready  to  set  off, 
I  sent  for  the  Half-King,  to  know  whether  he  intended 
to  go  with  us  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that  White 
Thunder  had  hurt  himself  much,  and  was  sick  and 
unable  to  walk ;  therefore  he  was  obliged  to  carry  him 
down  in  a  canoe.  As  I  found  he  intended  to  stay 
here  a  day  or  two,  and  knew  that  Monsieur  Joncaire 
would  employ  every  scheme  to  set  him  against  the 
English,  as  he  had  before  done,  I  told  him,  I  hoped 
he  would  guard  against  his  flattery,  and  let  no  fine 
speeches  influence  him  in  their  favor.  He  desired  I 
might  not  be  concerned,  for  he  knew  the  French  too 
well  for  any  thing  to  engage  him  in  their  favor  ;  and 
that  though  he  could  not  go  down  with  us,  he  yet 
would  endeavor  to  meet  at  the  Fork  with  Joseph 
Campbell,  to  deliver  a  speech  for  me  to  carry  to  his 


20  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Honor  the  Governor.  He  told  me  he  would  order  the 
Young  Hunter  to  attend  us,  and  get  provisions,  etc. 
if  wanted. 

Our  horses  were  now  so  weak  and  feeble,  and  the 
baggage  so  heavy  (as  we  were  obliged  to  provide  all 
the  necessaries  which  the  journey  would  require), 
that  we  doubted  much  their  performing  it.  Therefore, 
myself  and  others,  except  the  drivers,  who  were 
obliged  to  ride,  gave  up  our  horses  for  packs,  to  assist 
along  with  the  baggage.  I  put  myself  in  an  Indian 
walking-dress,  and  continued  with  them  three  days, 
until  I  found  there  was  no  probability  of  their  getting 
home  in  any  reasonable  time.  The  horses  became 
less  able  to  travel  every  day ;  the  cold  increased  very 
fast ;  and  the  roads  were  becoming  much  worse  by  a 
deep  snow,  continually  freezing ;  therefore,  as  I  was 
uneasy  to  get  back,  to  make  report  of  my  proceedings 
to  his  Honor  the  Governor,  I  determined  to  prosecute 
my  journey,  the  nearest  way  through  the  woods,  on 
foot. 

Accordingly,  I  left  Mr.  Van  Braam  in  charge  of  our 
baggage,  with  money  and  directions  to  provide  neces 
saries  from  place  to  place  for  themselves  and  horses, 
and  to  make  the  most  convenient  dispatch  in  travel 
ling. 

I  took  my  necessary  papers,  pulled  off  my  clothes, 
and  tied  myself  up  in  a  watch-coat.  Then,  with  gun 
In  hand,  and  pack  on  my  back,  in  which  were  my 
papers  and  provisions,  I  set  out  with  Mr.  Gist,  fitted 
in  the  same  manner,  on  Wednesday  the  26th.  The 
day  following,  just  after  we  had  passed  a  place  called 
Murdering  Town  (where  we  intended  to  quit  the  path 
and  steer  across  the  country  for  Shannopin's  Town), 
we  fell  in  with  a  party  of  French  Indians,  who  had 


A   DANGEROUS  ERRAND.  21 

lain  in  wait  for  us.  One  of  them  fired  at  Mr.  Gist  or 
me,  not  fifteen  steps  off,  but  fortunately  missed.  We 
took  this  fellow  into  custody,  and  kept  him  until  about 
nine  o'clock  at  night,  then  let  him  go,  and  walked  all 
the  remaining  part  of  the  night  without  making  any 
stop,  that  we  might  get  the  start  so  far  as  to  be  out 
of  the  reach  of  their  pursuit  the  next  day,  since  we 
were  well  assured  they  would  follow  our  track  as  soon 
as  it  was  light.  The  next  day  we  continued  travelling 
until  quite  dark,  and  got  to  the  river  about  two  miles 
above  Shannopin's.  We  expected  to  have  found  the 
river  frozen,  but  it  was  not,  only  about  fifty  yards 
from  each  shore.  The  ice,  I  suppose,  had  broken  up 
above,  for  it  was  driving  in  vast  quantities. 

There  was  no  way  for  getting  over  but  on  a  raft, 
which  we  set  about,  with  but  one  poor  hatchet,  and 
finished  just  after  sun-setting.  This  was  a  whole  day's 
work ;  we  next  got  it  launched,  then  went  on  board 
of  it,  and  set  off ;  but  before  we  were  half-way  over 
we  were  jammed  in  the  ice,  in  such  a  manner  that 
we  expected  every  moment  our  raft  to  sink,  and  our 
selves  to  perish.  I  put  out  my  setting-pole  to  try  to 
stop  the  raft,  that  the  ice  might  pass  by,  when  the 
rapidity  of  the  stream  threw  it  with  so  much  violence 
against  the  pole  that  it  jerked  me  out  into  ten  feet 
water;  but  I  fortunately  saved  myself  by  catching 
hold  of  one  of  the  raft-logs.  Notwithstanding  all 
our  efforts,  we  could  not  get  to  either  shore,  but  were 
obliged,  as  we  were  near  an  island,  to  quit  our  raft 
and  make  to  it. 

The  cold  was  so  extremely  severe,  that  Mr.  Gist 
had  all  his  fingers  and  some  of  his  toes  frozen,  and 
the  water  was  shut  up  so  hard,  that  we  found  no  dif 
ficulty  in  getting  off  the  island  on  the  ice  in  the  morn- 


22  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

ing,  and  went  to  Mr.  Frazier's.  We  met  here  with 
twenty  warriors,  who  were  going  to  the  southward  to 
war  ;  but  coming  to  a  place  on  the  head  of  the  Great 
Kenhawa,  where  they  found  seven  people  killed  and 
scalped  (all  but  one  woman  with  very  light  hair), 
they  turned  about  and  ran  back,  for  fear  the  inhabi 
tants  should  rise  and  take  them  as  the  authors  of  the 
murder.  They  report  that  the  bodies  were  lying 
about  the  house,  and  some  of  them  much  torn  and 
eaten  by  the  hogs.  By  the  marks  which  were  left, 
they  say  they  were  French  Indians  of  the  Ottawa 
nation,  who  did  it. 

As  we  intended  to  take  horses  here,  and  it  required 
some  time  to  find  them,  I  went  up  about  three  miles 
to  the  mouth  of  Youghiogany,  to  visit  Queen  Ali- 
quippa,  who  had  expressed  great  concern  that  we 
passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  I  made  her  a  pres 
ent  of  a  watch-coat  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  which  latter 
was  thought  much  the  better  present  of  the  two. 

Tuesday,  the  1st  of  January,  we  left  Mr.  Frazier's 
house,  and  arrived  at  Mr.  Gist's,  at  Monongahela, 
the  2d,  where  I  bought  a  horse  and  saddle.  The  6th, 
we  met  seventeen  horses  loaded  with  materials  and 
stores  for  a  fort  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  and  the  day 
after,  some  families  going  out  to  settle.  This  day, 
we  arrived  at  Wills  Creek,  after  as  fatiguing  a  jour 
ney  as  it  is  possible  to  conceive,  rendered  so  by  exces 
sive  bad  weather.  From  the  1st  day  of  December  to 
the  15th  there  was  but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not 
rain  or  snow  incessantly  ;  and  throughout  the  whole 
journey  we  met  with  nothing  but  one  continued  se 
ries  of  cold,  wet  wreather,  which  occasioned  very  un 
comfortable  lodgings,  especially  after  we  had  quitted 
our  tent,  which  was  some  screen  from  the  inclemency 
of  it. 


WITH  GENERAL  BRADDOCK.       23 

On  the  llth,  I  got  to  Bel voir,1  where  I  stopped  one 
day  to  take  necessary  rest ;  and  then  set  out  and  ar 
rived  in  Williamsburg  the  16th,  where  I  waited  upon 
his  Honor  the  Governor,  with  the  letter  I  had  brought 
from  the  French  commandant,  and  to  give  an  account 
of  the  success  of  my  proceedings.  This  I  beg  leave 
to  do  by  offering  the  foregoing  narrative,  as  it  contains 
the  most  remarkable  occurrences  which  happened  in 
my  journey. 

I  hope  what  has  been  said  will  be  sufficient  to  make 
your  Honor  satisfied  with  my  conduct ;  for  that  was 
my  aim  in  undertaking  the  journey,  and  chief  study 
throughout  the  prosecution  of  it. 


III. 

WITH   GENERAL   BRADDOCK. 

WASHINGTON  had  been  an  officer  in  command  of  Virginia 
troops  in  the  war  between  England  and  France,  when,  in  Feb 
ruary,  1755,  General  Braddock  arrived  in  Virginia  with  two 
regiments  of  regular  troops  from  England.  Everybody  ex 
pected  that  the  French  would  at  once  be  driven  out  of  the  Ohio 
valley,  and  General  Braddock  was  one  of  the  most  confident, 
There  was  a  bustle  in  every  quarter,  and  Alexandria  was  made 
the  headquarters  from  which  troops,  military  stores,  and  pro 
visions  were  to  be  sent  forward,  for  they  could  be  brought  up 
to  that  point  in  men-of-war  and  transports. 

As  soon  as  Braddock  had  arrived  in  the  country,  Washington 
had  addressed  him  a  letter  of  welcome,  and  now  he  was  keenly 
intent  on  the  general's  movements.  From  Mount  Vernon  he 
could  see  the  ships  in  the  Potomac  and  hear  the  din  of  prepara 
tion.  He  could  not  ride  into  town  or  to  Belvoir  without  being 

1  A  plantation  belonging  to  the  Fairfax  family,  .not  far  from  Mt. 
Vernon. 


24  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

in  the  midst  of  the  excitement.  This  was  something  very  dif 
ferent  from  the  poor,  niggardly  conduct  of  war  which  he  had 
known  in  the  colony.  It  was  on  a  great  scale  ;  it  was  war  car 
ried  on  by  His  Majesty's  troops,  well  clad,  splendidly  equipped 
and  drilled,  under  the  lead  of  a  veteran  general.  He  longed  to 
join  them.  Here  would  be  a  chance  such  as  he  had  never  had, 
to  learn  something  of  the  art  of  war ;  but  he  held  no  commis 
sion,  and  he  had  not  even  a  company  to  offer.  Nor  was  he 
willing  to  be  a  militia  captain  and  subject  to  the  orders  of  some 
lieutenant  in  the  regular  army. 

Pie  was  considering  how  he  might  volunteer,  when  he  received 
exactly  the  kind  of  invitation  which  he  desired.  He  was  a 
marked  man  now,  and  it  did  not  take  long  for  word  to  reach 
General  Braddock  that  a  young  Virginian  colonel,  who  had 
shown  great  spirit  and  ability  in  a  recent  expedition,  and  was 
thoroughly  familiar  with  the  route  they  were  to  take,  desired  to 
serve  under  him,  but  not  as  a  subordinate  captain.  There  was  a 
way  out  of  the  difficulty,  and  the  General  at  once  invited  Wash 
ington  to  join  his  military  family  as  aid-de-camp.  Washington 
joyfully  accepted,  and  the  following  brief  letters  give  a  glimpse 
of  his  connection  with  the  disastrous  Braddock's  Expedition, 
which  set  out  with  flags  flying  to  capture  Fort  Duquesne,  where 
Pittsburgh  now  stands,  and  was  instead  terribly  defeated  on  the 
way.  Robert  Orme,  to  whom  the  first  letter  was  written,  was 
the  aid-de-camp  of  Braddock  who  had  informed  Washington  of 
his  appointment. 


I.   TO    ROBERT   ORME. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  15  March,  1755. 
SIR: 

I  was  not  favored  with  your  polite  letter,  of  the  2d 
instant,  until  yesterday  ;  acquainting  me  with  the  no 
tice  his  Excellency,  General  Braddock,  is  pleased  to 
honor  me  with,  by  kindly  inviting-  me  to  become  one 
of  his  family  the  ensuing  campaign.  It  is  true,  sir, 
I  have,  ever  since  I  declined  my  late  command,  ex- 
pressed  an  inclination  to  serve  in  this  campaign  as  a 
volunteer ;  and  this  inclination  is  not  a  little  increased, 


WITH   GENERAL   BRAD  DOCK.  25 

since  it  is  likely  to  be  conducted  by  a  gentleman  of 
the  general's  experience. 

But,  besides  this,  and  the  laudable  desire  I  may 
have  to  serve  with  my  best  abilities  my  king  and 
country,  I  must  be  ingenuous  enough  to  confess,  that 
I  am  not  a  little  biased  by  selfish  considerations.  To 
explain,  sir,  I  wish  earnestly  to  attain  some  knowl 
edge  in  the  military  profession,  and,  believing  a  more 
favorable  opportunity  cannot  offer  than  to  serve  un 
der  a  gentleman  of  General  Braddock's  abilities  and 
experience,  it  does,  you  may  reasonably  suppose,  not  a 
little  contribute  to  influence  my  choice.  But,  sir,  as 
I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  express  my  sentiments  so 
freely,  I  must  beg  your  indulgence  while  I  add,  that 
the  only  bar  which  can  check  me  in  the  pursuit  of 
this  object,  is  the  inconveniences  that  must  necessarily 
result  from  some  proceedings,  which  happened  a  little 
before  the  general's  arrival,  and  which,  in  some  meas 
ure,  had  abated  the  ardor  of  my  desires,  and  deter 
mined  me  to  lead  a  life  of  retirement,  into  which  I 
was  just  entering,  at  no  small  expense,  when  your 
favor  was  presented  to  me. 

But,  as  I  shall  do  myself  the  honor  of  waiting  upon 
his  Excellency  as  soon  as  I  hear  of  his  arrival  at 
Alexandria,  (I  would  do  it  sooner,  were  I  certain 
where  to  find  him,)  I  shall  decline  saying  anything 
further  on  this  head  till  then  ,  begging  you  will  be 
pleased  to  assure  him,  that  I  shall  always  retain  a 
grateful  sense  of  the  favor  with  which  he  is  pleased 
to  honor  me,  and  that  I  should  have  embraced  this 
opportunity  of  writing  to  him,  had  I  not  recently  ad 
dressed  a  congratulatory  letter  to  him  on  his  safe 
arrival  in  this  country. 

I  flatter  myself  you  will  favor  me  in  making  a  com 
munication  of  these  sentiments. 


26  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

You  do  me  a  singular  favor  in  proposing  an  ac 
quaintance.  It  cannot  but  be  attended  with  the  most 
flattering  prospects  on  my  part,  as  you  may  already 
perceive  by  the  familiarity  and  freedom  with  which  I 
now  enter  upon  this  correspondence  ;  a  freedom  which, 
even  if  it  is  disagreeable,  you  must  excuse,  and  lay 
the  blame  of  it  at  your  own  door,  for  encouraging  me 
to  throw  off  that  restraint  which  otherwise  might 
have  been  more  obvious  in  my  deportment  on  such  an 
occasion. 

The  hope  of  shortly  seeing  you  will  be  an  excuse 
for  my  not  adding  more  than  that  I  shall  endeavor  to 
approve  myself  worthy  of  your  friendship,  and  that  I 
beg  to  be  esteemed  your  most  obedient  servant. 

II.  TO   JOHN    EOBINSON,    SPEAKER   OF   THE   HOUSE    OF 
DELEGATES,    VIRGINIA. 

MOUNT  VEBNON,  20  April,  1755. 

DEAR  SIR: 

I  little  expected,  when  I  wrote  you  last,  that  I 
should  so  soon  engage  in  another  campaign ;  but,  in 
doing  it,  I  may  be  allowed  to  claim  some  merit,  if  it  is 
considered  that  the  sole  motive  which  invites  me  to 
the  field  is  the  laudable  desire  of  serving  my  country, 
not  the  gratification  of  any  ambitious  or  lucrative 
plans.  This,  I  flatter  myself,  will  manifestly  appear 
by  my  going  as  a  volunteer,  without  expectation  of  re 
ward,  or  prospect  of  obtaining  a  command,  as  I  am 
confidently  assured  it  is  not  in  General  Braddock's 
power  to  give  me  a  commission  that  I  would  accept. 
Perhaps  by  many  others  the  above  declaration  might 
be  construed  into  self-applause,  which,  unwilling  to 
lose,  I  proclaim  myself.  But  by  yon,  sir,  I  expect  it 
will  be  viewed  in  a  different  light,  because  you  have 


WITH  GENERAL  BRADDOCK.       27 

sympathized  in  my  disappointments,  and  lent  your 
friendly  aid  to  reinstate  me  in  a  suitable  command ; 
the  recollection  of  which  can  never  be  lost  upon  a 
mind  that  is  not  insensible  of  obligations,  but  always 
ready  to  acknowledge  them. 

This  is  the  reason  why  I  am  so  much  more  unre 
served,  in  the  expression  of  my  sentiments  to  you, 
than  I  should  be  to  the  world,  whose  censures  and 
criticisms  often  place  good  designs  in  a  bad  light. 
But,  to  be  ingenuous,  I  must  confess  I  have  other  in 
tentions  in  writing  you  this  letter ;  for,  if  there  is  any 
merit  in  my  case,  I  am  unwilling  to  hazard  it  among 
my  friends  without  this  exposition  of  facts,  as  they 
might  conceive  that  some  advantageous  offers  had  en 
gaged  my  services,  when,  in  reality,  it  is  otherwise,  for 
I  expect  to  be  a  considerable  loser  in  my  private  af 
fairs  by  going.  It  is  true  I  have  been  importuned  to 
make  this  campaign  by  General  Braddock  as  a  mem 
ber  of  his  family,  he  conceiving,  I  suppose,  that  the 
small  knowledge  I  have  had  an  opportunity  of  acquir 
ing  of  the  country,  Indians,  etc.,  is  worthy  of  his  no 
tice,  and  may  be  useful  to  him  in  the  progress  of  the 
expedition. 

I  heartily  wish  a  happy  issue  to  all  your  resolves, 
and  am,  sir, 

Your  most  obedient  servant. 

III.    TO   WILLIAM    FAIRFAX. 

WINCHESTER,  5  May,  1755. 

PEAR  SIR  : 

I  overtook  the  general  at  Frederic  Town,  in  Mary 
land.  Thence  we  proceeded  to  this  place,  where  we 
shall  remain  till  the  arrival  of  the  second  division  of 
the  train,  which  we  hear  left  Alexandria  on  Tuesday 


28  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

last.  After  that,  we  shall  continue  our  march  to 
Wills  Creek ;  from  whence,  it  is  imagined,  we  shall 
not  stir  till  the  latter  end  of  this  month,  for  want  of 
wagons  and  other  conveniences  of  transport  over  the 
mountains. 

You  will  naturally  conclude,  that  to  pass  through 
Maryland,  when  no  object  required  it,  was  an  uncom 
mon  and  an  extraordinary  route  for  the  general  and 
for  Colonel  Dunbar's  regiment  to  this  place.  The 
reason,  however,  was  obvious.  Those  who  promoted 
it  had  rather  the  communication  should  be  opened 
that  way  than  through  Virginia ;  but  I  believe  the 
eyes  of  the  general  are  now  opened,  and  the  imposi 
tion  detected ;  consequently,  the  like  will  not  happen 
again.  I  am,  etc. 

IV.    TO    JOHN   A.    WASHINGTON. 

FORT  CUMBERLAND,  14  May,  1755. 

DEAR  BROTHER  : 

As  wearing  boots  is  quite  the  mode,  and  mine  are 
in  a  declining  state,  I  must  beg  the  favor  of  you  to 
procure  me  a  pair  that  are  good  and  neat,  and  send 
them  to  Major  Carlyle,  who,  I  hope,  will  contrive  to 
forward  them  as  quickly  as  my  necessity  requires. 

I  see  no  prospect  of  moving  from  this  place  soon,  as 
we  have  neither  horses  nor  wagons  enough,  and  no 
forage,  except  what  is  expected  from  Philadelphia ; 
therefore,  I  am  well  convinced  that  the  trouble  and 
difficulty  we  must  encounter  in  passing  the  mountains, 
for  the  want  of  proper  conveniences,  will  equal  all  the 
difficulties  of  the  campaign ;  for  I  conceive  the  march 
of  such  a  train  of  artillery,  in  these  roads,  to  be  a  tre 
mendous  undertaking.  As  to  any  danger  from  the 
enemy,  I  look  upon  it  as  trifling,  for  I  believe  the 


WITH  GENERAL  ERADDOCK.       29 

French  will  be  obliged  to  exert  their  utmost  force  to 
repel  the  attacks  to  the  northward,  where  Governor 
Shirley  and  others,  with  a  body  of  eight  thousand 
men,  will  annoy  their  settlements,  and  attempt  their 
forts. 

The  general  has  appointed  me  one  of  his  aids-de 
camp,  in  which  character  I  shall  serve  this  campaign 
agreeably  enough,  as  I  am  thereby  freed  from  all  com« 
mands  but  his,  and  give  his  orders,  which  must  be 
implicitly  obeyed. 

I  have  now  a  good  opportunity,  and  shall  not  neg 
lect  it,  of  forming  an  acquaintance,  which  may  be  ser 
viceable  hereafter,  if  I  find  it  worth  while  to  push  my 
fortune  in  the  military  line. 

I  have  written  to  my  two  female  correspondents  by 
this  opportunity,  one  of  whose  letters  I  have  enclosed 
to  you,  and  beg  your  deliverance  of  it.  I  shall  expect 
a  particular  account  of  all  that  has  happened  since  my 
departure. 

I  am,  dear  Jack,     Your  most  affectionate  brother. 

V.   TO   JOHN   A.    WASHINGTON. 

YOUGHIOGANY,  28  June,  1755. 

DEAH  BROTHER  : 

Immediately  upon  our  leaving  the  camp  at  George's 
Creek,  on  the  14th  instant,  from  whence  I  wrote  to 
you,  I  was  seized  with  a  violent  fever  and  pain  of  the 
head,  which  continued  without  intermission  until  the 
23d,  when  I  was  relieved,  by  the  general's  absolutely 
ordering  the  physician  to  give  me  Dr.  James's  pow 
ders,  one  of  the  most  excellent  medicines  in  the  world. 
It  gave  me  immediate  ease,  and  removed  my  fever  and 
other  complaints  in  four  days'  time.  My  illness  was 
too  violent  to  suffer  me  to  ride ;  therefore  I  was  in- 


80  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

debted  to  a  covered  wagon  for  some  part  of  my  trans 
portation  ;  but  even  in  this  I  could  not  continue  far. 
The  jolting  was  so  great,  that  I  was  left  upon  the 
road,  with  a  guard  and  some  necessaries,  to  wait  the 
arrival  of  Colonel  Dunbar's  detachment,  which  was 
two  days'  march  behind  us,  the  general  giving  me  his 
word  of  honor  that  I  should  be  brought  up  before  he 
reached  the  French  fort.  This  promise,  and  the  doc 
tor's  declaration,  that  if  I  persevered  in  my  attempts 
to  go  on,  in  the  condition  I  then  was,  my  life  would 
be  endangered,  determined  me  to  halt  for  the  above 
mentioned  detachment. 

As  the  communication  between  this  and  Wills  Creek 
must  soon  be  too  dangerous  for  single  persons  to  pass, 
it  will  render  the  intercourse  of  letters  slow  and  preca 
rious  ;  therefore  I  shall  attempt  (and  will  go  through 
it  if  I  have  strength)  to  give  you  an  account  of  our 
proceedings,  our  situation,  and  prospects  at  present ; 
which  I  desire  you  will  communicate  to  Colonel  Fair 
fax,  and  others,  my  correspondents,  for  I  am  too  weak 
to  write  more  than  this  letter. 

In  the  letter  which  I  wrote  to  you  from  George's 
Creek,  I  acquainted  you  that,  unless  the  number  of 
wagons  was  retrenched  and  the  carriage-horses  in 
creased,  we  should  never  be  able  to  see  Fort  Duquesne. 
This,  in  two  days  afterwards  (which  was  about  the 
time  they  got  to  the  Little  Meadows,  with  some  of 
their  foremost  wagons  and  strongest  teams),  they 
themselves  were  convinced  of ;  for  they  found  that, 
besides  the  extreme  difficulty  of  getting  the  wagons 
along  at  all,  they  had  often  a  line  of  three  or  four 
miles  in  length  ;  and  the  soldiers  guarding  them  were 
so  dispersed,  that,  if  we  had  been  attacked  either  in 
front,  centre,  or  rear,  the  part  so  attacked  must  have 


WITH   GENERAL   BRADDOCK.  31 

been  cut  off  or  totally  routed,  before  they  could  be 
sustained  by  any  other  corps. 

At  the  Little  Meadows  a  second  council  was  callec 
(for  there  had  been  one  before),  wherein  the  urgency 
for  horses  was  again  represented  to  the  officers  of  the 
different  corps,  and  how  laudable  a  farther  retrench 
ment  of  their  baggage  would  be,  that  the  spare  ones 
might  be  turned  over  for  the  public  service.  In  or 
der  to  encourage  this,  I  gave  up  my  best  horse,  which 
I  have  never  heard  of  since,  and  took  no  more  bag 
gage  than  half  my  portmanteau  would  easily  contain. 
It  is  said,  however,  that  the  number  reduced  by  this 
second  attempt  was  only  from  two  hundred  and  ten 
or  twelve,  to  two  hundred,  which  had  no  perceivable 
effect. 

The  general,  before  they  met  in  council,  asked  my 
private  opinion  concerning  the  expedition.  I  urged 
him,  in  the  warmest  terms  I  was  able,  to  push  for 
ward,  if  he  even  did  it  with  a  small  but  chosen  band, 
with  such  artillery  and  light  stores  as  were  necessary ; 
leaving  the  heavy  artillery,  baggage,  and  the  like  with 
the  rear  division  of  the  army,  to  follow  by  slow  and 
easy  marches,  which  they  might  do  safely  while  we 
were  advanced  in  front.  As  one  reason  to  support 
this  opinion,  I  urged  that,  if  we  could  credit  our  in 
telligence,  the  French  were  weak  at  the  Fork  at  pres 
ent,  but  hourly  expected  reinforcements,  which,  to  my 
certain  knowledge,  could  not  arrive  with  provisions,  01 
any  supplies,  during  the  continuance  of  the  drought, 
as  the  Buffalo  River  (Riviere  aux  Boeufs),  down  which 
was  their  only  communication  to  Venango,  must  be  as 
dry  as  we  now  found  the  Great  Crossing  of  the  You- 
ghiogany,  which  may  be  passed  dry-shod. 

This  advice  prevailed,  and  it  was  determined   that 


32  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

the  general,  with  one  thousand  two  hundred  -chosen 
men,  and  officers  from  all  the  different  corps,  under 
the  following  field  officers,  viz.,  Sir  Peter  Halket, 
who  acts  as  brigadier,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Gage,  Lieu* 
tenant-Colonel  Burton,  and  Major  Sparks,  with  sucb, 
a  number  of  wagons  as  the  train  would  absolutely  re 
quire,  should  march  as  soon  as  things  could  be  got  in 
readiness.  This  was  completed,  and  we  were  on  our 
march  by  the  19th,  leaving  Colonel  Dimbar  and  Major 
Chapman  behind,  with  the  residue  of  the  two  regi 
ments,  some  independent  companies,  most  of  the  wo 
men,  and,  in  short,  everything  not  absolutely  essen 
tial,  carrying  our  provisions  and  other  necessaries  upon 
horses. 

We  set  out  with  less  than  thirty  carriages,  includ 
ing  those  that  transported  the  ammunition  for  the 
howitzers,  twelve-pounders,  and  six-pounders,  and  all 
of  them  strongly  horsed ;  which  was  a  prospect  that 
conveyed  infinite  delight  to  my  mind,  though  I  was 
excessively  ill  at  the  time.  But  this  prospect  was  soon 
clouded,  and  my  hopes  brought  very  low  indeed,  when 
I  found  that,  instead  of  pushing  on  with  vigor,  with 
out  regarding  a  little  rough  road,  they  were  halting  to 
level  every  mole-hill,  and  to  erect  bridges  over  every 
brook,  by  which  means  we  were  four  days  in  getting 
twelve  miles. 

At  this  camp  I  was  left  by  the  doctor's  advice  and 
the  general's  positive  orders,  as  I  have  already  men 
tioned,  without  which  I  should  not  have  been  prevailed 
upon  to  remain  behind ;  as  1  then  imagined,  and  now 
believe,  I  shall  find  it  no  easy  matter  to  join  my  own 
corps  again,  which  is  twenty-five  miles  in  advance. 
Notwithstanding,  I  had  the  general's  word  of  honor, 
pledged  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that  I  should  be 


WITH  GENERAL  BRADDOCK.       33 

brought  up'  before  he  arrived  at  Fort  Duquesne.  They 
have  had  frequent  alarms,  and  several  men  have  been 
scalped ;  but  this  is  done  with  no  other  design  than  to 
retard  the  march,  and  to  harass  the  men,  who,  if  they 
are  to  be  turned  out  every  time  a  small  party  attacks 
the  guards  at  night  (for  I  am  certain  they  have  not 
sufficient  force  to  make  a  serious  assault),  the  enemy's 
aim  will  be  accomplished  by  the  gaining  of  time. 

I  have  been  now  six  days  with  Colonel  Dunbar's 
corps,  who  are  in  a  miserable  condition  for  want  of 
horses,  not  having  enough  for  their  wagons ;  so  that 
the  only  method  he  has  of  proceeding  is  to  march 
with  as  many  wagons  as  these  will  draw,  and  then 
halt  till  the  remainder  are  brought  up  with  the  same 
horses,  which  requires  two  days  more ;  and  shortly,  I 
believe,  he  will  not  be  able  to  stir  at  all.  There  has 
been  vile  management  in  regard  to  horses. 

My  strength  will  not  admit  of  my  saying  more, 
though  I  have  not  said  half  that  I  intended  concerning 
affairs  here.  Business  I  shall  not  think  of,  but  depend 
solely  upon  your  management  of  all  my  affairs,  not 
doubting  that  they  will  be  well  conducted.  I  am,  etc. 


VI.   TO  MRS.    MARY    WASHINGTON,    NEAR    FREDERICKS- 
BURG. 
FORT  CUMBERLAND,  18  July,  1755. 

HONORED  MADAM  : 

As  I  doubt  not  but  you  have  heard  of  our  defeat, 
and,  perhaps,  had  it  represented  in  a  worse  light,  if 
possible,  than  it  deserves,  I  have  taken  this  earliest 
opportunity  to  give  you  some  account  of  the  engage 
ment  as  it  happened,  within  ten  miles  of  the  French 
fort,  on  Wednesday  the  9th  instant. 


34  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

We  marched  to  that  place  without  any  considerable 
loss,  having  only  now  and  then  a  straggler  picked  up 
by  the  French  and  scouting  Indians.  When  we  came 
there  we  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  French  and  In 
dians,  whose  number,  I  am  persuaded,  did  not  exceed 
three  hundred  men ;  while  ours  consisted  of  about  one 
thousand  three  hundred  well-armed  troops,  chiefly 
regular  soldiers,  who  were  struck  with  such  a  panic 
that  they  behaved  with  more  cowardice  than  it  is  pos 
sible  to  conceive.  The  officers  behaved  gallantly  in 
order  to  encourage  their  men,  for  which  they  suffered 
greatly,  there  being  near  sixty  killed  and  wounded ;  a 
large  proportion  of  the  number  we  had. 

The  Virginia  troops  showed  a  good  deal  of  bravery, 
and  were  nearly  all  killed ;  for  I  believe,  out  of  three 
companies  that  were  there,  scarcely  thirty  men  are 
left  alive.  Captain  Peyrouny,  and  all  his  officers 
down  to  a  corporal,  were  killed.  Captain  Poison  had 
nearly  as  hard  a  fate,  for  only  one  of  his  was  left.  In 
short,  the  dastardly  behavior  of  those  they  call  regu 
lars  exposed  all  others,  that  were  inclined  to  do  their 
duty,  to  almost  certain  death ;  and  at  last,  despite  of 
all  the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  the  contrary,  they  ran, 
as  sheep  pursued  by  dogs,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
rally  them. 

The  general  was  wounded,  of  which  he  died  three 
days  after.  Sir  Peter  Halket  was  killed  in  the  field, 
where  died  many  other  brave  officers.  I  luckily  es- 
aaped  without  a  wound,  though  I  had  four  bullets 
through  my  coat,  and  two  horses  shot  under  me.  Cap 
tains  Orme  and  Morris,  two  of  the  aids-de-camp,  were 
wounded  early  in  the  engagement,  which  rendered  the 
duty  harder  upon  me,  as  I  was  the  only  person  then 
left  to  distribute  the  general's  orders,  which  I  was 


A    VIRGINIA   PLANTER.  35 

scarcely  able  to  do,  as  I  was  not  half  recovered  from 
a  violent  illness  that  had  confined  me  to  my  bed  and 
a  wagon  for  above  ten  days.  I  am  still  in  a  weak  and 
feeble  condition,  which  induces  me  to  halt  here  two  or 
three  days  in  the  hope  of  recovering  a  little  strength, 
to  enable  me  to  proceed  homewards ;  from  whence,  I 
fear,  I  shall  not  be  able  to  stir  till  towards  Septem 
ber  ;  so  that  I  shall  not  have  the  pleasure  of  seeing 
you  till  then,  unless  it  be  in  Fairfax.  Please  to  give 
my  love  to  Mr.  Lewis  and  my  sister ;  and  compliments 
to  Mr.  Jackson,  and  all  other  friends  that  inquire  after 
me.  I  am,  honored  madam,  your  most  dutiful  son. 


IV. 

A   VIRGINIA    PLANTER. 

THE  period  between  the  final  victory  of  England  over  France 
and  the  war  for  the  independence  of  the  colonies  was  one  of 
perplexity  and  discussion.  It  is  difficult  for  us  to-day  to  put 
ourselves  in  the  place  of  Washington  and  other  men  of  his 
time.  Washington  was  a  Virginian,  and  was  one  of  the  legisla 
ture.  He  was  used  to  making  laws  and  providing  for  the  needs 
of  the  people  of  Virginia,  but  he  was  accustomed  to  look  beyond 
Virginia  to  England.  There  the  king  was,  and  he  was  one  of  the 
subjects  of  the  king.  Though  he  and  others  might  never  have 
seen  England,  it  was  the  centre  of  the  world  to  them.  He 
thought  of  the  other  colonies  not  so  much  as  all  parts  of  one 
great  country  on  this  side  of  the  Atlantic,  as  each  separately  a 
part  of  the  British  empire. 

After  all,  however,  and  most  of  all,  he  was  a  Virginian.  In 
Virginia  he  owned  land.  There  was  his  home,  and  there  his 
occupation.  He  was  a  farmer,  a  planter  of  tobacco  and  wheat  ; 
and  it  was  his  business  to  sell  his  products.  As  for  the  French, 
they  were  the  enemies  of  Great  Britain,  but  they  were  also  very 
near  enemies  of  Virginia.  They  were  getting  possession  of  land 


36  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

in  Virginia  itself,  —  land  which  Washington  owned  in  part  ;  and 
when  he  was  busily  engaged  in  driving  them  out,  he  did  not  have 
to  stop  to  think  of  France  ;  he  needed  only  to  think  of  Fort  Du- 
quesne,  a  few  days'  march  to  the  westward. 

When,  therefore,  he  found  the  British  government  making  laws 
which  required  him  to  pay  roundly  for  sending  his  tobacco  to 
market,  and  taxing  him  as  if  there  were  no  Virginia  legislature 
to  say  what  taxes  the  people  could  and  should  pay,  he  began  to 
be  dissatisfied.  England  was  a  great  way  off  ;  Virginia  was 
close  at  hand.  He  was  loyal  to  the  king  and  had  fought  under 
the  king's  officers,  but  if  the  king  cared  nothing  for  his  loyalty, 
and  only  wanted  his  pence,  his  loyalty  was  likely  to  cool. 

Washington  had  grown  up  with  an  intense  love  of  law,  and 
in  this  he  was  like  other  American  Englishmen.  In  England 
there  were  very  few  persons  who  made  the  laws.  The  vast  ma 
jority  had  nothing  to  do  but  to  obey  the  laws.  Yet  it  is  among 
the  makers  of  laws  that  the  love  of  law  prevails  ;  and  since  in 
America  a  great  many  more  Englishmen  had  to  do  with  govern 
ment  in  colony  and  in  town  than  in  England,  there  were  more 
who  passionately  insisted  upon  the  law  being  observed.  An  un 
lawful  act  was  to  them  an  outrage.  When  they  said  that  Eng 
land  was  oppressing  them  and  making  them  slaves,  they  did 
not  mean  that  they  wanted  liberty  to  do  what  they  pleased,  but 
that  they  wanted  to  be  governed  by  just  laws,  made  by  the  men 
who  had  the  right  to  make  laws.  That  right  belonged  to  the 
legislatures,  to  which  they  sent  representatives. 

So  it  was  out  of  his  love  of  law  and  justice  that  Washington 
and  others  protested  against  the  Stamp  Act  ;  and  when  the  act 
was  repealed,  they  threw  up  their  hats  and  hurrahed,  not  because 
they  should  not  have  to  buy  and  use  stamps,  but  because  by  re 
pealing  the  act,  Parliament  had  as  much  as  said  that  it  was  an 
unlawful  act.  The  two  letters  which  follow,  written  to  Bryan 
Fairfax,  who  was  a  Virginian  Englishman  disposed  to  side  with 
Parliament,  show  how  Washington  felt  and  reasoned. 

I. 

MOUNT  VEENON,  20  July,  1774. 
DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  17th  was  not  presented  to  me  til\ 
after  the  resolutions,  which  were  judged  advisable  for 


A    VIRGINIA   PLANTER.  37 

this  country  to  adopt,  had  been  revised,  altered,  and 
corrected  in  the  committee ;  nor  till  we  had  gone  into 
a  general  meeting  in  the  court-house,  and  my  atten 
tion  was  necessarily  called  every  moment  to  the  busi 
ness  before  us.  I  did,  however,  upon  the  receipt  of 
it,  in  that  hurry  and  bustle,  hastily  run  it  over,  and  1 
handed  it  round  to  the  gentlemen  on  the  bench,  of 
whom  there  were  many;  but,  as  no  person  present 
seemed  in  the  least  disposed  to  adopt  your  sentiments, 
as  there  appeared  a  perfect  satisfaction  and  acquies 
cence  in  the  measures  proposed  (except  from  Mr. 
Williamson,  who  was  for  adopting  your  advice  liter 
ally,  without  obtaining  a  second  voice  on  his  side), 
and  as  a  gentleman,  to  whom  the  letter  was  shown, 
advised  me  not  to  have  it  read,  as  it  was  not  likely 
to  make  a  convert,  and  was  repugnant,  some  of  them 
thought,  to  every  principle  we  were  contending  for,  I 
forbore  to  offer  it  otherwise  than  in  the  manner  above 
mentioned ;  which  I  shall  be  sorry  for,  if  it  gives  you 
any  dissatisfaction  that  your  sentiments  were  not  read 
to  the  county  at  large,  instead  of  being  communicated 
to  the  first  people  in  it,  by  offering  them  the  letter  in 
the  manner  I  did. 

That  I  differ  very  widely  from  you,  in  respect  to 
the  mode  of  obtaining  a  repeal  of  the  acts  so  much 
and  so  justly  complained  of,  I  shall  not  hesitate  to 
acknowledge  ;  and  that  this  difference  in  opinion  prob 
ably  proceeds  from  the  different  constructions  we  put 
upon  the  conduct  and  intention  of  the  ministry  may 
also  be  true ;  but  as  I  see  nothing,  on  the  one  hand, 
to  induce  a  belief  that  the  Parliament  would  embrace 
a  favorable  opportunity  of  repealing  acts  which  they 
go  on  with  great  rapidity  to  pass  in  order  to  enforce 
their  tyrannical  system;  and,  on  the  other,  I  observe, 


38  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

or  think  I  observe,  that  government  is  pursuing  a 
regular  plan  at  the  expense  of  law  and  justice  to  over 
throw  our  constitutional  rights  and  liberties,  how  can 
I  expect  any  redress  from  a  measure  which  has  been 
ineffectually  tried  already  ?  For,  sir,  what  is  it  we 
are  contending  against?  Is  it  against  paying  the  duty 
of  three  pence  per  pound  on  tea  because  burdensome? 
No  ;  it  is  the  right  only,  that  we  have  all  long  disputed  ; 
and  to  this  end  we  have  already  petitioned  his  Ma 
jesty  in  as  humble  and  dutiful  a  manner  as  subjects 
could  do.  Nay,  more,  we  applied  to  the  House  of 
Lords  and  House  of  Commons  in  their  different  leg 
islative  capacities,  setting  forth,  that,  as  Englishmen, 
we  could  not  be  deprived  of  this  essential  and  valu 
able  part  of  our  constitution.  If,  then,  as  the  fact 
really  is,  it  is  against  the  right  of  taxation  that  we 
now  do,  and,  as  I  before  said,  all  along  have  con 
tended,  why  should  they  suppose  an  exertion  of  this 
power  would  be  less  obnoxious  now  than  formerly  ? 
And  what  reason  have  we  to  believe  that  they  would 
make  a  second  attempt,  whilst  the  same  sentiments  fill 
the  breast  of  every  American,  if  they  did  not  intend 
to  enforce  it  if  possible  ? 

The  conduct  of  the  Boston  people  could  not  justify 
the  rigor  of  their  measures,  unless  there  had  been  a 
requisition  of  payment  and  refusal  of  it ;  nor  did  that 
conduct  require  an  act  to  deprive  the  government  of 
Massachusetts  Bay  of  their  charter,  or  to  exempt  of 
fenders  from  trial  in  the  places  where  offences  were; 
committed,  as  there  was  not,  nor  could  there  be,  a 
single  instance  produced  to  manifest  the  necessity  of 
it.  Are  not  all  these  things  evident  proofs  of  a  fixed 
and  uniform  plan  to  tax  us  ?  If  we  want  further 
proofs,  do  not  all  the  debates  in  the  House  of  Com. 


A    VIRGINIA    PLANTER.  39 

mons  serve  to  confirm  this?  And  has  not  General 
Gage's  conduct  since  his  arrival,  in  stopping  the  ad 
dress  of  his  council  and  publishing  a  proclamation 
more  becoming  a  Turkish  bashaw  than  an  English 
governor,  declaring  it  treason  to  associate  in  any  man 
ner  by  which  the  commerce  of  Great  Britain  is  to  be 
affected, — has  not  this  exhibited  an  unexampled  testi 
mony  of  the  most  despotic  system  of  tyranny  that  ever 
was  practised  in  a  free  government  ?  In  short,  what 
further  proofs  are  wanting  to  satisfy  any  one  of  the 
designs  of  the  ministry  than  their  own  acts,  which 
are  uniform  and  plainly  tending  to  the  same  point, 
nay,  if  I  mistake  not,  avowedly  to  fix  the  right  of 
taxation  ?  What  hope  have  we  then  from  petitioning, 
when  they  tell  us  that  now  or  never  is  the  time  to 
fix  the  matter?  Shall  we,  after  this,  whine  and  cry 
for  relief,  when  we  liave  already  tried  it  in  vain  ?  Or 
shall  we  supinely  sit  and  see  one  province  after  an 
other  fall  a  sacrifice  to  despotism  ? 

If  I  were  in  any  doubt  as  to  the  right  which  the 
Parliament  of  Great  Britain  had  to  tax  us  without 
our  consent,  I  should  most  heartily  coincide  with  you 
in  opinion,  that  to  petition,  and  petition  only,  is  the 
proper  method  to  apply  for  relief ;  because  we  should 
then  be  asking  a  favor,  and  not  claiming  a  right, 
which,  by  the  law  of  nature  and  by  our  constitution, 
we  are,  in  my  opinion,  indubitably  entitled  to.  I 
should  even  think  it  criminal  to  go  further  than  this, 
under  such  an  idea ;  but  I  have  none  such.  I  think 
the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  have  no  more  right 
to  put  their  hands  into  my  pocket,  without  my  con 
sent,  than  I  have  to  put  my  hands  into  yours ;  and 
this  being  already  urged  to  them  in  a  firm  but  decent 
manner,  by  all  the  colonies,  what  reason  is  there  to 
expect  anything  from  their  justice  ? 


40  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

As  to  the  resolution  for  addressing  the  throne,  I 
own  to  you,  sir,  I  think  the  whole  might  as  well  have 
been  expunged.  I  expect  nothing  from  the  measure, 
nor  should  my  voice  have  sanctioned  it,  if  the  non-im 
portation  scheme  was  intended  to  be  retarded  by  it ; 
for  I  am  convinced,  as  much  as  I  am  of  my  existence, 
that  there  is  no  relief  for  us  but  in  their  distress ;  and 
I  think,  at  least  I  hope,  that  there  is  public  virtue 
enough  left  among  us  to  deny  ourselves  everything 
but  the  bare  necessaries  of  life  to  accomplish  this  end. 
This  we  have  a  right  to  do,  and  no  power  upon  earth 
can  compel  us  to  do  otherwise,  till  it  has  first  reduced 
us  to  the  most  abject  state  of  slavery.  The  stopping 
of  our  exports  would,  no  doubt,  be  a  shorter  method 
than  the  other  to  effect  this  purpose ;  but  if  we  owe 
money  to  Great  Britain,  nothing  but  the  last  necessity 
can  justify  the  non-payment  of  ft ;  and,  therefore,  1 
have  great  doubts  upon  this  head,  and  wish  to  see  the 
other  method  first  tried,  which  is  legal  and  will  facili 
tate  these  payments. 

I  cannot  conclude  without  expressing  some  concern 
that  I  should  differ  so  widely  in  sentiments  from  you 
on  a  matter  of  such  great  moment  and  general  im 
port  ;  and  I  should  much  distrust  my  own  judgment 
upon  the  occasion,  if  my  nature  did  not  recoil  at  the 
thought  of  submitting  to  measures  which  I  think  sub 
versive  of  everything  that  I  ought  to  hold  dear  and 
valuable,  and  did  I  not  find,  at  the  same  time,  that 
the  voice  of  mankind  is  with  me.  I  must  apologize 
for  sending  you  so  rough  a  sketch  of  my  thoughts 
upon  your  letter.  When  I  look  back  and  see  the 
length  of  my  own,  I  cannot,  as  I  am  a  good  deal  hur 
ried  at  this  time,  think  of  taking  off  a  fair  copy. 

I  am,  dear  sir,  your  most  obedient  humble  servant. 


A   VIRGINIA   PLANTER.  41 

II. 

MOUNT  VERNON,  24  August,  1774. 

DEAR  SIR: 

Your  letter  of  the  5th  instant  came  to  this  place, 
forwarded  by  Mr.  Ramsay,  a  few  days  after  my  re 
turn  from  Williamsburg,  and  I  delayed  acknowledg 
ing  it  sooner,  in  the  hope  that  I  should  find  time,  be 
fore  I  began  my  journey  to  Philadelphia,  to  answer 
it  fully,  if  not  satisfactorily ;  but,  as  much  of  my  time 
has  been  engrossed  since  I  came  home  by  company, 
by  your  brother's  sale  and  the  business  consequent 
thereupon,  in  writing  letters  to  England,  and  now  in 
attending  to  my  own  domestic  affairs  previous  to  my 
departure,  I  find  it  impossible  to  bestow  as  much  at 
tention  on  the  subject  of  your  letter  as  I  could  wish, 
and,  therefore,  I  must  rely  upon  your  good  nature  and 
candor  in  excuse  for  not  attempting  it.  In  truth,  per 
suaded  as  I  am  that  you  have  read  all  the  political 
pieces  which  compose  a  large  share  of  the  gazettes  at 
this  time,  I  should  think  it,  but  for  your  request,  a 
piece  of  inexcusable  arrogance  in  me  to  make  the 
least  essay  towards  a  change  in  your  political  opin 
ions  ;  for  I  am  sure  I  have  no  new  light  to  throw  upon 
the  subject,  nor  any  other  arguments  to  offer  in  sup 
port  of  my  own  doctrine,  than  what  you  have  seen ; 
and  I  could  only  in  general  add,  that  an  innate  spirit 
of  freedom  first  told  me  that  the  measures  which  the 
administrations  have  for  some  time  been  and  now  are 
most  violently  pursuing,  are  opposed  to  every  princi 
ple  of  natural  justice  ;  whilst  much  abler  heads  than 
my  own  have  fully  convinced  me,  that  they  are  not 
only  repugnant  to  natural  right,  but  subversive  of  the 
laws  and  constitution  of  Great  Britain  itself,  in  the 


42  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

establishment  of  which  some  of  the  best  blood  in  the 
kingdom  has  been  spilt. 

Satisfied,  then,  that  the  acts  of  the  British  Parlia 
ment  are  no  longer  governed  by  the  principles  of  jus 
tice,  that  they  are  trampling  upon  the  valuable  rights 
of  Americans,  confirmed  to  them  by  charter  and  by 
the  constitution  they  themselves  boast  of,  and  con 
vinced  beyond  the  smallest  doubt  that  these  measures 
are  the  result  of  deliberation,  and  attempted  to  be 
carried  into  execution  by  the  hand  of  power,  is  it  a 
time  to  trifle,  or  risk  our  cause  upon  petitions,  which 
with  difficulty  obtain  access,  and  afterwards  are  thrown 
by  with  the  utmost  contempt  ?  Or  should  we,  because 
heretofore  unsuspicious  of  design,  and  then  unwilling 
to  enter  into  disputes  with  the  mother  country,  go  on 
to  bear  more,  and  forbear  to  enumerate  our  just  causes 
of  complaint  ?  For  my  own  part,  I  shall  not  under 
take  to  say  where  the  line  between  Great  Britain  and 
the  colonies  should  be  drawn  ;  but  I  am  clearly  of 
opinion  that  one  ought  to  be  drawn,  and  our  rights 
clearly  ascertained.  I  could  wish,  I  own,  that  the 
dispute  had  been  left  to  posterity  to  determine,  but 
the  crisis  is  arrived  when  we  must  assert  our  rights,  or 
submit  to  every  imposition,  that  can  be  heaped  upon 
us,  till  custom  and  use  shall  make  us  tame  and  abject 
slaves. 

I  intended  to  write  no  more  than  an  apology  for  not 
writing ;  but  I  find  I  am  insensibly  running  into  a 
length  I  did  not  expect,  and  therefore  shall  conclude 
with  remarking,  that,  if  you  disavow  the  right  of  Par 
liament  to  tax  us,  unrepresented  as  we  are,  we  only 
differ  in  respect  to  the  mode  of  opposition,  and  this 
difference  principally  arises  from  your  belief,  that 
they  (the  Parliament,  I  mean,)  want  a  decent  oppor- 


COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF.  43 

t unity  to  repeal  the  acts  ;  whilst  I  am  fully  convinced 
that  there  has  been  a  regular,  systematic  plan  formed 
to  enforce  them,  and  that  nothing  but  unanimity  and 
firmness  in  the  colonies,  which  they  did  not  expect, 
can  prevent  it.  By  the  best  advices  from  Boston  it 
seems  that  General  Gage  is  exceedingly  disconcerted 
at  the  quiet  and  steady  conduct  of  the  people  of  the 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  at  the  measures  pursuing  by 
the  other  governments.  I  dare  say  he  expected  to 
force  those  oppressed  people  into  compliance,  or  irri 
tate  them  to  acts  of  violence  before  this,  for  a  more 
colorable  pretence  of  ruling  that  and  the  other  colo 
nies  with  a  high  hand. 

I  shall  set  off  on  Wednesday  next  for  Philadelphia, 
where,  if  you  have  any  commands,  I  shall  be  glad  to 
oblige  you  in  them  ;  being,  dear  sir,  with  real  regard. 
Your  most  obedient  servant. 


V. 

COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF. 

WHEN  the  second  Continental  Congress  met  in  May,  1775, 
Washington  was  a  delegate  from  Virginia.  Every  one  felt  the 
gravity  and  delicacy  of  the  situation.  An  army  had  been  raised, 
but  it  was  a  New  England  army,  for  it  had  been  started  into  life 
by  the  fight  at  Lexington  and  Concord.  If  the  coming  struggle 
was  to  be  at  Boston,  as  seemed  likely,  it  was  natural  that  the 
troops  should  come  mainly  from  that  neighborhood.  The  colo 
nies  were  widely  separated  ;  they  had  not  acted  much  together, 
would  it  not  be  better,  would  it  not  save  ill-feeling,  if  a  New 
England  man  were  to  command  this  New  England  army  ? 

There  were  some  who  thought  thus  ;  and  besides,  there  was 
still  a  good  deal  of  difference  of  opinion  as  to  the  course  to  be  pur- 


44  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

sued.  Some  were  ready  for  independence  ;  others,  and  per 
haps  the  most,  hoped  to  bring  the  British  to  terms.  Parties 
were  rising  in  Congress  ;  petty  jealousies  were  showing  them 
selves,  when  suddenly  John  Adams  of  Massachusetts,  seeing  into 
what  perplexities  they  were  drifting,  came  forward  with  a  dis 
tinct  proposition  that  Congress  should  adopt  the  army  before 
Boston  and  appoint  a  commander.  He  did  not  name  Washing 
ton,  but  described  him  as  a  certain  gentleman  from  Virginia  who 
could  unite  the  cordial  exertions  of  all  the  colonies  better  than 
any  other  person.  No  one  doubted  who  was  meant,  and  Washing 
ton,  confused  and  agitated,  left  the  room  at  once. 

Nothing  else  was  talked  of.  The  delegates  discussed  the 
matter  in  groups  and  small  circles,  and  a  few  days  afterward  a 
Maryland  delegate  formally  nominated  George  Washington  to  be 
commander-in-chief  of  the  American  Army.  He  was  unani 
mously  elected,  but  the  honor  of  bringing  him  distinctly  before 
the  Congress  belongs  to  John  Adams.  It  seems  now  a  very 
natural  thing  to  do,  but  really  it  was  something  which  required 
wisdom  and  courage.  When  one  sums  up  all  Washington's  mili 
tary  experience  at  this  time,  it  was  not  great,  or  such  as  to  point 
him  out  as  unmistakably  the  leader  of  the  American  army. 
There  was  a  general  then  in  command  at  Cambridge,  who  had 
seen  more  of  war  than  Washington  had.  But  Washington  was 
the  leading  military  man  in  Virginia,  and  it  was  for  this  reason 
that  John  Adams  as  a  New  England  man  urged  his  election. 
The  Congress  had  done  something  to  bring  the  colonies  together  ; 
the  war  was  to  do  more,  but  probably  no  single  act  had  a  more 
far-reaching  significance  in  making  the  Union,  than  the  act  of 
naming  for  the  chief  place  the  Virginia  Washington  by  the  New 
England  Adams. 

It  was  on  the  loth  day  of  June,  1775,  that  George  Washington 
was  chosen  commander-in-chief.  The  next  day  he  made  his 
answer  to  Congress,  in  which  he  declared  that  he  accepted  the 
office,  but  that  he  would  take  no  pay  ;  he  would  keep  an  exact 
account  of  his  expenses,  but  he  would  give  his  services  to  his 
country.  There  was  no  time  to  be  lost.  He  could  not  go  home 
to  bid  his  wife  good-by,  and  he  did  not  know  when  he  should  see 
her  again,  so  he  wrote  her  from  Philadelphia.  He  had  left  a 
relation,  Mr.  Lund  Washington,  in  charge  of  the  Mount  Vernon 
estate,  and  later  in  the  year  he  wrote  to  him  a  letter  of  instruc 
tions  about  the  care  of  his  place.  The  three  letters  follow. 


COMMA  NDER-1N-CHJEF.  45 

I.  TO  THE  PRESIDENT  OF  CONGRESS. 

MR.  PRESIDENT  :  Though  I  am  truly  sensible  of 
the  high  honor  done  me,  in  this  appointment,  yet  I  feel 
great  distress,  from  a  consciousness  that  my  abilities  and 
military  experience  may  not  be  equal  to  the  extensive 
and  important  trust.  However,  as  the  Congress  desire 
it,  I  will  enter  upon  the  momentous  duty,  and  exert 
every  power  I  possess  in  their  service,  and  for  the  sup 
port  of  the  glorious  cause.  I  beg  they  will  accept  my 
most  cordial  thanks  for  this  distinguished  testimony  of 
their  approbation. 

But,  lest  some  unlucky  event  should  happen,  un 
favorable  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remem 
bered  by  every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that  I,  this  day, 
declare  with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  my 
self  equal  to  the  command  I  am  honored  with. 

As  to  pay,  sir,  I  beg  leave  to  assure  the  Congress, 
that,  as  no  pecuniary  consideration  could  have  tempted 
me  to  accept  this  arduous  employment  at  the  expense 
of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to 
make  any  profit  from  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  account 
of  my  expenses.  Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  dis 
charge  ;  and  that  is  all  I  desire. 

II.  TO  MRS.  MARTHA  WASHINGTON. 

MY  DEAREST  :  I  am  now  set  down  to  write  to 
you  on  a  subject  which  fills  me  with  inexpressible 
concern,  and  this  concern  is  greatly  aggravated  and 
increased  when  I  reflect  upon  the  uneasiness  I  know 
it  will  give  you.  It  has  been  determined  in  Congress, 
that  the  whole  army  raised  for  the  defence  of  the 
American  cause  shall  be  put  under  my  care,  and  that 
it  is  necessary  for  me  to  proceed  immediately  to  Boston 
to  take  upon  me  the  command  of  it. 


46  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

You  may  believe  me,  my  dear  Patsy,  when  I  assure 
you  in  the  most  solemn  manner,  that,  so  far  from  seek 
ing  this  appointment,  I  have  used  every  endeavor  in 
my  power  to  avoid  it,  not  only  from  my  unwillingness 
to  part  with  you  and  the  family,  but  from  a  conscious 
ness  of  its  being  a  trust  too  great  for  my  capacity,  and 
that  I  should  enjoy  more  real  happiness  in  one  month 
with  you  at  home,  than  I  have  the  most  distant  pros 
pect  of  finding  abroad,  if  my  stay  were  to  be  seven 
times  seven  years.  But  as  it  has  been  a  kind  of  des 
tiny  that  has  thrown  me  upon  this  service,  I  shall  hope 
that  my  undertaking  it  is  designed  to  answer  some  good 
purpose.  You  might,  and  I  suppose  did  perceive,  from 
the  tenor  of  my  letters,  that  I  was  apprehensive  I  could 
not  avoid  this  appointment,  as  I  did  not  pretend  to  in 
timate  when  I  should  return.  That  was  the  case.  It 
was  utterly  out  of  my  power  to  refuse  this  appoint 
ment  without  exposing  my  character  to  such  censures 
as  would  have  reflected  dishonor  upon  myself,  and 
given  pain  to  my  friends.  This,  I  am  sure,  could  not, 
and  ought  not,  to  be  pleasing  to  you,  and  must  have 
lessened  me  considerably  in  my  own  esteem.  I  shall 
rely,  therefore,  confidently  on  that  Providence  which 
has  heretofore  preserved  and  been  bountiful  to  me, 
not  doubting  but  that  I  shall  return  safe  to  you  in  the 
fall.  I  shall  feel  no  pain  from  the  toil  or  the  danger 
of  the  campaign ;  my  unhappiness  will  flow  from  the 
uneasiness  I  know  you  will  feel  from  being  left  alone. 
I  therefore  beg  that  you  will  summon  your  wrhole  for 
titude,  and  pass  your  time  as  agreeably  as  possible. 
Nothing  will  give  me  so  much  sincere  satisfaction  as 
to  hear  this,  and  to  hear  it  from  your  own  pen.  My 
earnest  and  ardent  desire  is,  that  you  would  pursue  any 
plan  that  is  most  likely  to  produce  content  and  a  to! 


FAMILIAR   LETTERS.  47 

erable  degree  of  tranquillity  ;  as  it  must  add  greatly 
to  my  uneasy  feelings  to  hear  that  you  are  dissatisfied 
or  complaining  at  what  I  really  could  not  avoid. 

As  life  is  always  uncertain,  and  common  prudence 
dictates  to  every  man  the  necessity  of  settling  his  tem 
poral  concerns  while  it  is  in  his  power,  and  while  the 
mind  is  calm  and  undisturbed,  I  have,  since  I  came  to 
this  place  (for  I  had  not  time  to  do  it  before  I  left 
home),  got  Colonel  Pendleton  to  draft  a  will  for  me, 
by  the  directions  I  gave  him,  which  I  will  now  enclose. 
The  provision  made  for  you  in  case  of  my  death,  will, 
I  hope,  be  agreeable. 

I  shall  add  nothing  more,  as  I  have  several  letters 
to  write,  but  to  desire  that  you  will  remember  me  to 
your  friends,  and  to  assure  you  that  I  am,  with  the 
most  unfeigned  regard,  my  dear  Patsy,  your  affection 
ate,  &c. 

III.    TO    LUND    WASHINGTON. 

I  well  know  where  the  difficulty  of  accomplishing 
these  things  will  lie.  Overseers  are  already  engaged, 
upon  shares,  to  look  after  my  business.  Remote  ad 
vantages  to  me,  however  manifest  and  beneficial,  are 
nothing  to  them  ;  and  to  engage  standing  wages,  when 
I  do  not  know  that  anything  that  I  have  or  can  raise 
will  command  cash,  is  attended  with  hazard ;  for  which 
reason  I  hardly  know  what  more  to  say  than  to  dis 
cover  to  you  my  wishes.  The  same  reason,  although 
it  may  in  appearance  have  the  same  tendency  in  re 
spect  to  you,  shall  not  be  the  same  in  its  operation  ; 
for  I  will  engage  for  the  year  coming,  and  the^year 
following,  if  these  troubles  and  my  absence  continue, 
that  your  wages  shall  be  standing  and  certain,  at  the 
highest  amount,  that  any  one  year's  crop  has  produced 


48  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

to  you  yet.  I  do  not  offer  this  as  any  temptation  to 
induce  you  to  go  on  more  cheerfully  in  prosecuting 
these  schemes  of  mine.  I  should  do  injustice  to  you, 
were  I  not  to  acknowledge  that  your  conduct  has  ever 
appeared  to  me  above  everything  sordid  ;  but  I  offer  it 
in  consideration  of  the  great  charge  you  have  upon 
your  hands,  and  my  entire  dependence  upon  your 
fidelity  and  industry. 

It  is  the  greatest,  indeed  it  is  the  only  comfortable 
reflection  I  enjoy  on  this  score,  that  my  business  is  in 
the  hands  of  a  person  concerning  whose  integrity  I 
have  not  a  doubt,  and  on  whose  care  I  can  rely.  Were 
it  not  for  this,  I  should  feel  very  unhappy  on  account 
of  the  situation  of  my  affairs  ;  but  I  am  persuaded 
you  will  do  for  me  as  you  would  for  yourself,  and  more 
than  this  I  cannot  expect. 

Let  the  hospitality  of  the  house  with  respect  to  the 
poor  be  kept  up.  Let  no  one  go  hungry  away.  If 
any  of  this  kind  of  people  should  be  in  want  of  corn, 
supply  their  necessities,  provided  it  does  not  encourage 
them  in  idleness  ;  and  I  have  no  objection  to  your 
giving  my  money  in  charity,  to  the  amount  of  forty  or 
fifty  pounds  a  year,  when  you  think  it  well  bestowed. 
What  I  mean  by  having  no  objection  is,  that  it  is  my 
desire  that  it  should  be  done.  You  are  to  consider, 
that  neither  myself  nor  wife  is  now  in  the  way  to  do 
these  good  offices.  In  all  other  respects  I  recommend 
it  to  you,  and  have  no  doubt  of  your  observing  the 
greatest  economy  and  frugality  ;  as  I  suppose  you 
know  that  I  do  not  get  a  farthing  for  my  services  here, 
more  than  my  expenses.  It  becomes  necessary,  there 
fore,  for  me  to  be  saving  at  home 


IN  CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  49 

VI. 

IN   CAMP  AT   CAMBRIDGE. 

ON  the  2d  day  of  July,  1775,  Washington  arrived  at  Cam 
bridge  where  the  little  army  which  he  was  to  command  wasf 
gathered.  The  next  day,  with  Lee  and  other  officers  he  rode  to 
the  Common,  and  there,  under  an  elm-tree  still  standing,  took 
command  of  the  American  army.  The  men  were  in  companies 
of  various  sizes,  under  captains  and  other  officers  who  had  very 
little  authority  over  the  privates,  who  usually  elected  their  own 
commander.  A  visitor  to  the  camp  relates  a  dialogue  which  he 
heard  between  a  captain  and  one  of  the  privates  under  him. 

"  Bill,"  said  the  captain,  "  go  and  bring  a  pail  of  water  for  the 
men." 

"  I  shan't,"  said  Bill.  "  It 's  your  turn  now,  captain  ;  I  got 
it  last  time." 

But  the  men,  though  under  very  little  discipline,  were  good 
stuff  out  of  which  to  make  soldiers.  Most  of  them  were  in  dead 
earnest,  and  they  brought,  besides  courage,  great  skill  in  the 
use  of  the  ordinary  musket.  A  story  is  told  of  a  company  of 
riflemen  raised  in  one  of  the  frontier  counties  of  Pennsylvania. 
So  many  volunteers  applied  as  to  embarrass  the  leader  who 
was  enlisting  the  company,  and  he  drew  on  a  board  with  chalk 
the  figure  of  a  nose  of  the  common  size,  placed  the  board  at  a 
distance  of  a  hundred  and  fifty  yards,  and  then  declared  he 
would  take  only  those  who  could  hit  the  mark.  Over  sixty  suc 
ceeded.  "  General  Gage,  take  care  of  your  nose,"  says  the  news 
paper  that  tells  the  story.  General  Gage  was  at  that  time  the 
commander  of  the  British  forces  in  Boston. 

As  soon  as  he  could  look  about  him  and  see  what  he  had  to 
depend  upon,  and  what  he  needed,  Washington  wrote  to  the 
President  of  Congress,  and  began  that  series  of  letters  which 
continued  throughout  the  war.  His  first  letter  was  written  a 
week  after  he  took  command.  He  wrote  also  to  his  familiar 
friends  and  family,  and .  a  second  letter  is  here  given  to  his 
brother  John.  A  third  letter,  written  in  the  winter  folldwing  to 
Joseph  Reed,  shows  what  difficulty  Washington  found  in  carry 
ing  on  the  siege. 


50  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


I.    TO   THE   PRESIDENT   OF   CONGRESS. 

CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE,  10  July,  1775. 

SIR  :  I  arrived  safe  at  this  place  on  the  3d  instant, 
after  a  journey  attended  with  a  good  deal  of  fatigue, 
and  retarded  by  necessary  attentions  to  the  successive 
civilities,  which  accompanied  me  in  my  whole  route. 

Upon  my  arrival,  I  immediately  visited  the  several 
posts  occupied  by  our  troops ;  and,  as  soon  as  the 
weather  permitted,  reconnoitred  those  of  the  enemy. 
I  found  the  latter  strongly  intrenching  on  Bunker's 
Hill,  about  a  mile  from  Charlestown,  and  advanced 
about  a  mile  from  the  place  of  the  late  action,  with 
their  sentries  extended  about  one  hundred  and  fifty 
yards  on  this  side  of  the  narrowest  part  of  the  neck 
leading  from  this  place  to  Charlestown.  Three  float 
ing  batteries  lie  in  Mystic  River  near  their  camp,  and 
one  twenty-gun  ship  below  the  ferry-place  between 
Boston  and  Charlestown.  They  have  also  a  battery  on 
Cops  Hill,  on  the  Boston  side,  which  much  annoyed 
our  troops  in  the  late  attack.  Upon  Roxbury  Neck, 
they  are  also  deeply  intrenched  and  strongly  fortified. 
Their  advanced  guards,  till  last  Saturday,  occupied 
Brown's  houses,  about  a  mile  from  Roxbury  meeting 
house,  and  twenty  rods  from  their  lines ;  but  at  that 
time  a  party  from  General  Thomas's  camp  surprised 
the  guard,  drove  them  in,  and  burned  the  houses. 
The  bulk  of  their  army,  commanded  by  General  Howe, 
lies  on  Bunker's  Hill,  and  the  remainder  on  Roxbury 
Neck,  except  the  light-horse  and  a  few  men  in  the 
town  of  Boston. 

On  our  side,  we  have  thrown  up  intrenchments  on 
Winter  and  Prospect  Hills,  the  enemy's  camp  in  ful] 
view,  at  the  distance  of  little  more  than  a  mile.  Such 


IN  CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  51 

intermediate  points  as  would  admit  a  landing,  I  have 
since  my  arrival  taken  care  to  strengthen,  down  to 
Sewall's  farm,  where  a  strong  intrenchment  has  been 
thrown  np.  At  Roxbury,  General  Thomas  has  thrown 
up  a  strong  work  on  the  hill,  about  two  hundred 
yards  above  the  meeting-house  ;  which,  with  the  bro- 
kenness  of  the  ground,  and  a  great  number  of  rocks, 
has  made  that  pass  very  secure.  The  troops  raised  in 
New  Hampshire,  with  a  regiment  from  Rhode  Island, 
occupy  Winter  Hill ;  a  part  of  those  from  Connecti 
cut,  under  General  Putnam,  are  on  Prospect  Hill. 
The  troops  in  this  town  are  entirely  of  the  Massachu 
setts  ;  the  remainder  of  the  Rhode  Island  men  are  at 
Sewall's  farm.  Two  regiments  of  Connecticut,  and 
nine  of  the  Massachusetts,  are  at  Roxbury.  The  resi 
due  of  the  army,  to  the  number  of  about  seven  hun 
dred,  are  posted  in  several  small  towns  along  the 
coast,  to  prevent  the  depredations  of  the  enemy. 

Upon  the  whole,  I  think  myself  authorized  to  say, 
that,  considering  the  great  extent  of  line  and  the  na 
ture  of  the  ground,  we  are  as  well  secured  as  could  be 
expected  in  so  short  a  time,  and  with  the  disadvan 
tages  we  labor  under.  These  consist  in  a  want  of  en 
gineers  to  construct  proper  works  and  direct  the  men, 
a  want  of  tools,  and  a  sufficient  number  of  men  to 
man  the  works  in  case  of  an  attack.  You  will  observe, 
by  the  proceedings  of  the  council  of  war,  which  I 
have  the  honor  to  enclose,  that  it  is  our  unanimous 
opinion  to  hold  and  defend  these  works  as  long  as 
possible.  The  discouragement  it  would  give  the  men, 
and  its  contrary  effects  on  the  ministerial  troops,  thus 
to  abandon  our  encampment  in  their  face,  formed  with 
so  much  labor  and  expense,  added  to  the  certain  de 
struction  of  a  considerable  and  valuable  extent  of 


52  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

country,  and  our  uncertainty  of  finding  a  place  in  all 
respects  so  capable  of  making  a  stand,  are  leading- 
reasons  for  this  determination.  At  the  same  time  we 
are  very  sensible  of  the  difficulties  which  attend  the 
defence  of  lines  of  so  great  extent,  and  the  dangers 
which  may  ensue  from  such  a  division  of  the  army. 

My  earnest  wish  to  comply  with  the  instructions  of 
the  Congress,  in  making  an  early  and  complete  return 
of  the  state  of  the  army,  has  led  to  an  involuntary  de 
lay  of  addressing  you ;  which  has  given  me  much 
concern.  Having  given  orders  for  that  purpose  im 
mediately  on  my  arrival,  and  not  then  so  well  apprised 
of  the  imperfect  obedience  which  had  been  paid  to 
those  of  the  like  nature  from  General  Ward,  I  was 
led  from  day  to  day  to  expect  they  would  come  in,  and 
therefore  detained  the  messenger.  They  are  not  now 
so  complete  as  I  could  wish  ;  but  much  allowance  is 
to  be  made  for  inexperience  in  forms,  and  a  libertv 
which  had  been  taken  (not  given)  on  the  subject. 
These  reasons,  I  flatter  myself,  will  no  longer  exist ; 
and,  of  consequence,  more  regularity  and  exactness 
will  in  future  prevail.  This,  with  a  necessary  atten 
tion  to  the  lines,  the  movements  of  the  ministerial 
troops,  and  our  immediate  security,  must  be  my  apol 
ogy,  which  I  beg  you  to  lay  before  Congress  with  the 
utmost  duty  and  respect. 

We  labor  under  great  disadvantages  for  want  of 
tents  ;  for,  though  they  have  been  helped  out  by  a  col 
lection  of  sails  from  the  seaport  towns,  the  number  is 
far  short  of  our  necessities.  The  colleges  and  houses 
of  this  town  are  necessarily  occupied  by  the  troops  ; 
which  affords  another  reason  for  keeping  our  present 
station.  But  I  most  sincerely  wish  the  whole  army 
was  properly  provided  to  take  the  field,  as  I  am  well 


IN  CAMP   AT   CAMBRIDGE.  53 

assured,  that,  besides  greater  expedition  and  activity 
in  case  of  alarm,  it  would  highly  conduce  to  health 
and  discipline.  As  materials  are  not  to  be  had  here, 
I  would  beg  leave  to  recommend  the  procuring  of  a 
farther  supply  from  Philadelphia  as  soon  as  possible. 

I  should  be  extremely  deficient  in  gratitude,  as  well 
as  justice,  if  I  did  not  take  the  first  opportunity  to 
acknowledge  the  readiness  and  attention,  which  the 
Provincial  Congress1  and  different  committees  have 
shown,  to  make  everything  as  convenient  and  agree 
able  as  possible.  But  there  is  a  vital  and  inherent 
principle  of  delay  incompatible  with  military  service, 
in  transacting  business  through  such  numerous  and 
different  channels.  I  esteem  it,  therefore,  uiy  duty  to 
represent  the  inconvenience  which  must  unavoidably 
ensue  from  a  dependence  on  a  number  of  persons  for 
supplies  ;  and  submit  it  to  the  consideration  of  Con 
gress,  whether  the  public  service  will  not  be  best  pro 
moted  by  appointing  a  commissary-general  for  these 
purposes.  We  have  a  striking  instance  of  the  prefer 
ence  of  such  a  mode,  in  the  establishment  of  Connect 
icut,  as  their  troops  are  extremely  well  provided 
under  the  direction  of  Mr.  Trumbull,  and  he  has  at 
different  times  assisted  others  with  various  articles. 
Should  my  sentiments  happily  coincide  with  those  of 
your  Honors  on  this  subject,  I  beg  leave  to  propose 
Mr.  Trumbull  as  a  very  proper  person  for  this  depart 
ment.  In  the  arrangement  of  troops  collected  under 
such  circumstances,  and  upon  the  spur  of  immediate 
necessity,  several  appointments  have  been  omitted, 
which  appear  to  be  indispensably  necessary  for  the 
good  government  of  the  army,  particularly  a  quarter- 

1  That  is,  the  congress  formed  by  the  patriots  in  Massachu 
setts. 


54  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

master-general,  a  commissary  of  musters,  and  a  com 
missary  of  artillery.  These  I  must  particularly  recom 
mend  to  the  notice  and  provision  of  the  Congress. 

I  find  myself  already  much  embarrassed  for  want 
of  a  military  chest.  These  embarrassments  will  in 
crease  every  day.  I  must  therefore  most  earnestly 
request  that  money  may  be  forwarded  as  soon  as  pos 
sible.  The  want  of  this  most  necessary  article  will,  I 
fear,  produce  great  inconveniences,  if  not  prevented 
by  an  early  attention.  I  find  the  army  in  general, 
and  the  troops  raised  in  Massachusetts  in  particular, 
very  deficient  in  necessary  clothing.  Upon  inquiry, 
there  appears  no  probability  of  obtaining  any  supplies 
in  this  quarter  ;  and,  on  the  best  consideration  of  this 
matter  I  am  able  to  form,  I  am  of  opinion  that  a  num 
ber  of  hunting-shirts,  not  less  than  ten  thousand, 
would  in  a  great  degree  remove  this  difficulty,  in  the 
cheapest  and  quickest  manner.  I  know  nothing,  in 
a  speculative  view,  more  trivial,  yet  which,  if  put  in 
practice,  would  have  a  happier  tendency  to  unite  the 
men,  and  abolish  those  provincial  distinctions  that 
lead  to  jealousy  and  dissatisfaction. 

In  a  former  part  of  this  letter  I  mentioned  the 
want  of  engineers.  I  can  hardly  express  the  disap 
pointment  I  have  experienced  on  this  subject,  the  skill 
of  those  we  have  being  very  imperfect,  and  confined  to 
the  mere  manual  exercise  of  cannon  ;  whereas  the  war 
in  which  we  are  engaged  requires  a  knowledge,  com 
prehending  the  duties  of  the  field,  and  fortification. 
If  any  persons  thus  qualified  are  to  be  found  in  the 
southern  colonies,  it  would  be  of  great  public  service 
to  forward  them  with  all  expedition. 

Upon  the  article  of  ammunition  I  must  reecho  the 
former  complaints  on  this  subject.  We  are  so  exceed- 


IN   CAMP   AT  CAMBRIDGE.  55 

ingly  destitute,  that  our  artillery  will  be  of  little  use, 
without  a  supply  both  large  and  seasonable.  What 
we  have  must  be  reserved  for  the  small  arms,  and  that 
managed  with  the  utmost  frugality. 

I  am  very  sorry  to  observe  that  the  appointment  of 
general  officers,  in  the  provinces  of  Massachusetts  and 
Connecticut,  has  not  corresponded  with  the  wishes  and 
judgment  of  either  the  civil  or  military.  The  great 
dissatisfaction  expressed  on  this  subject,  and  the  ap 
parent  danger  of  throwing  the  whole  army  into  the  ut 
most  disorder,  together  with  the  strong  representations 
made  by  the  Provincial  Congress,  have  induced  me  to 
retain  the  commissions  in  my  hands  until  the  pleasure 
of  the  Continental  Congress  should  be  further  known, 
except  General  Putnam's,  which  was  given  the  day  I 
came  to  the  camp,  and  before  I  was  apprised  of  these 
disgusts.  In  such  a  step,  I  must  beg  the  Congress 
will  do  me  the  justice  to  believe  that  I  have  been 
actuated  solely  by  a  regard  to  the  public  good. 

I  have  not,  nor  could  I  have,  any  private  attach 
ments  ;  every  gentleman  in  appointment  was  a  stranger 
to  me,  but  from  character;  I  must,  therefore,  rely 
upon  the  candor  and  indulgence  of  Congress  for  their 
most  favorable  construction  of  my  conduct  in  this 
particular.  General  Spencer's  disgust  was  so  great  at 
General  Putnam's  promotion,  that  he  left  the  army 
without  visiting  me,  or  making  known  his  intention  in 
any  respect. 

General  Pomroy  had  also  retired  before  my  arrival, 
occasioned,  as  it  is  said,  by  some  disappointment  from 
the  Provincial  Congress.  General  Thomas  is  much 
esteemed,  and  most  earnestly  desired  to  continue  in 
the  service ;  and,  as  far  as  my  opportunities  have  en 
abled  me  to  judge,  I  must  join  in  the  general  opinion, 


56  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

that  he  is  an  able,  good  officer ;  and  his  resignation 
would  be  a  public  loss.  The  postponing  of  him  to 
Poniroy  and  Heath,  whom  he  has  commanded,  would 
make  his  continuance  very  difficult,  and  probably  oper 
ate  on  his  mind,  as  the  like  circumstances  did  on  that 
of  Spencer. 

The  state  of  the  army  you  will  find  ascertained  with 
tolerable  precision  in  the  returns  which  accompany 
this  letter.  Upon  finding  the  number  of  men  to  fall  so 
far  short  of  the  establishment,  and  below  all  expecta 
tion,  I  immediately  called  a  council  of  the  general 
officers,  whose  opinion  as  to  the  mode  of  filling  up  the 
regiments,  and  providing  for  the  present  exigency,  I 
have  the  honor  of  enclosing,  together  with  the  best 
judgment  we  are  able  to  form  of  the  ministerial  troops. 
From  the  number  of  boys,  deserters,  and  negroes,  that 
have  been  enlisted  in  the  troops  of  this  province,  I 
entertain  some  doubts  whether  the  number  required 
can  be  raised  here  ;  and  all  the  general  officers  agree 
that  no  dependence  can  be  put  on  the  militia  for  a 
continuance  in  camp,  or  regularity  and  discipline  dur 
ing  the  short  time  they  may  stay.  This  unhappy  and 
devoted  province  has  been  so  long  in  a  state  of  an 
archy,  and  the  yoke  of  ministerial  oppression  has  been 
laid  so  heavily  on  it,  that  great  allowances  are  to 
be  made  for  troops  raised  under  such  circumstances. 
The  deficiency  of  numbers,  discipline,  and  stores,  can 
only  lead  to  this  conclusion,  that  their  spirit  has  ex 
ceeded  their  strength.  But,  at  the  same  time,  I  would 
humbly  submit  to  the  consideration  of  Congress  the 
propriety  of  making  some  further  provision  of  men 
from  the  other  colonies.  If  these  regiments  should  be 
completed  to  their  establishment,  the  dismission  of 
those  unfit  for  duty,  on  account  of  their  age  and  char. 


IN  CAMP  AT   CAMBRIDGE.  57 

acter,  would  occasion  a  considerable  reduction  ;  and,  at 
all  events,  they  have  been  enlisted  upon  such  terms 
that  they  may  be  disbanded  when  other  troops  arrive. 
But  should  my  apprehensions  be  realized,  and  the  regi 
ments  here  not  be  filled  up,  the  public  cause  would 
suffer  by  an  absolute  dependence  upon  so  doubtful  an 
event,  unless  some  provision  is  made  against  such  a 
disappointment. 

It  requires  no  military  skill  to  judge  of  the  difficulty 
of  introducing  proper  discipline  and  subordination 
into  an  army,  while  we  have  the  enemy  in  view,  and 
are  in  daily  expectation  of  an  attack  ;  but  it  is  of  so 
much  importance  that  every  effort  will  be  made  to 
this  end  which  time  and  circumstances  will  admit.  In 
the  mean  time,  I  have  a  sincere  pleasure  in  observing, 
that  there  are  materials  for  a  good  army,  a  great  num 
ber  of  able-bodied  men,  active,  zealous  in  the  cause, 
and  of  unquestionable  courage. 

I  am  now,  sir,  to  acknowledge  the  receipt  of  your 
favor  of  the  28th  of  June,  enclosing  the  resolutions  of 
Congress  of  the  27th,  and  a  copy  of  a  letter  from  the 
Committee  of  Albany  ;  to  all  which  I  shall  pay  due 
attention. 

Generals  Gates  and  Sullivan  have  both  arrived  in 
good  health. 

My  best  abilities  are  at  all  times  devoted  to  the  ser 
vice  of  my  country  ;  but  I  feel  the  weight,  importance, 
and  variety  of  my  present  duties  too  sensibly,  not  to 
wish  a  more  immediate  and  frequent  communication 
with  the  Congress.  I  fear  it  may  often  happen,  in  the 
course  of  our  present  operations,  that  I  shall  need 
that  assistance  and  direction  from  them,  which  time 
and  distance  will  not  allow  me  to  receive. 

Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  also  to  acknowledge 


58  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

your  favor  of  the  4th  instant  by  Fessenden,  and  the 
receipt  of  the  commissions  and  articles  of  war.  Among 
the  other  returns,  I  have  also  sent  one  of  our  killed, 
wounded,  and  missing,  in  the  late  action  ;  but  have 
been  able  to  procure  no  certain  account  of  the  loss  of 
the  ministerial  troops.  My  best  intelligence  fixes  it 
at  about  five  hundred  killed  and  six  or  seven  hundred 
wounded  ;  but  it  is  no  more  than  conjecture,  the  utmost 
pains  being  taken  on  their  side  to  conceal  their  loss. 

Having  ordered  the  commanding  officer  to  give  me 
the  earliest  intelligence  of  every  motion  of  the  enemy 
by  land  or  water,  discernible  from  the  heights  of  his 
camp,  I  this  instant,  as  I  was  closing  my  letter,  re 
ceived  the  enclosed  from  the  brigade-major.  The  de 
sign  of  this  manoeuvre  I  know  not ;  perhaps  it  may 
be  to  make  a  descent  somewhere  along  the  coast ;  it 
may  be  for  New  York  ;  or  it  may  be  practised  as  a 
deception  on  us.  I  thought  it  not  improper,  however, 
to  mention  the  matter  to  you ;  I  have  done  the  same 
to  the  commanding  officer  at  New  York  ;  and  I  shall 
let  it  be  known  to  the  Committee  of  Safety  here,  so 
that  intelligence  may  be  communicated,  as  they  shall 
think  best,  along  the  sea-coast  of  this  government. 
I  have  the  honor  to  be,  etc. 

II.    TO   JOHN    AUGUSTINE   WASHINGTON. 

CAMP  AT  WASHINGTON,  27  July,  1775. 

DEAR  BROTHER:  On  the  2d  instant  I  arrived  at 
this  place,  after  passing  through  a  great  deal  of  de 
lightful  country,  covered  with  grass  (although  the 
season  has  been  dry),  in  a  manner  very  different  from 
our  lands  in  Virginia. 

I  found  a  mixed  multitude  of  people  here,  under 
very  little  discipline,  order,  or  government ;  the  enemy 


IN  CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  59 

in  possession  of  a  place  called  Bunker's  Hill  on 
Charlestown  Neck,  strongly  intrenched,  and  fortifying 
themselves ;  part  of  our  own  army  on  two  hills,  called 
Winter  and  Prospect  Hills,  about  a  mile  and  a  quar 
ter  from  the  enemy  on  Bunker's  Hill,  in  a  very  inse 
cure  state ;  another  part  at  this  village  ;  and  a  third 
part  at  Roxbury,  guarding  the  entrance  in  and  out  of 
Boston.  My  whole  time,  since  I  came  here,  has  been 
employed  in  throwing  up  lines  of  defence  at  these  three 
several  places,  to  secure,  in  the  first  instance,  our  own 
troops  from  any  attempts  of  the  enemy ;  and,  in  the 
next  place,  to  cut  off  all  communication  between  their 
troops  and  the  country.  To  do  this,  and  to  prevent 
them  from  penetrating  into  the  country  with  fire  and 
sword,  and  to  harass  them  if  they  do,  is  all  that  is  ex 
pected  of  me.  If  effected,  it  must  totally  overthrow 
the  designs  of  administration,  as  the  whole  force  of 
Great  Britain  in  the  town  and  harbor  of  Boston  can 
answer  no  other  end  than  to  sink  her  under  the  dis 
grace  and  weight  of  the  expense.  The  enemy's 
strength,  including  marine  forces,  is  computed,  from  the 
best  accounts  I  can  get,  at  about  twelve  thousand  men  ; 
ours,  including  sick  and  absent,  at  about  sixteen  thou 
sand  ;  but  then  we  have  to  guard  a  semicircle  of  eight 
or  nine  miles,  to  every  part  of  which  we  are  obliged 
to  be  equally  attentive  ;  whilst  they,  situated  as  it  were 
in  the  centre  of  the  semicircle,  and  having  the  entire 
command  of  the  water,  can  bend  their  whole  force 
against  any  one  part  of  it  with  equal  facility.  This 
renders  our  situation  not  very  agreeable,  though  neces 
sary.  However,  by  incessant  labor,  Sundays  not  ex- 
cepted,  we  are  in  a  much  better  posture  of  defence 
now  than  when  I  first  came.  The  enclosed,  though 
rough,  will  give  you  some  small  idea  of  Boston  and 


60  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

the  Bay  on  this  side,  as  also  of  the  post  they  have 
taken  on  Charlestown  Neck  at  Bunker's  Hill,  and  of 
our  posts. 

The  enemy  are  sickly  and  in  want  of  fresh  pro 
visions.  Beef,  which  is  chiefly  got  by  slaughtering 
their  milch  cows  in  Boston,  sells  from  one  shilling  to 
eighteen  pence  sterling  per  pound  ;  and  that  it  may  not 
become  cheaper  or  more  plenty,  I  have  driven  all  the 
stock  within  a  considerable  distance  of  this  place 
back  into  the  country,  out  of  the  way  of  the  men- 
of-war's  boats.  In  short,  I  have  done,  and  shall 
continue  to  do,  everything  in  my  power  to  distress 
them.  The  transports  have  all  arrived,  and  their 
whole  reinforcement  is  landed,  so  that  I  can  see  no 
reason  why  they  should  not,  if  they  ever  attempt  it, 
come  boldly  out,  and  put  the  matter  to  issue  at  once. 
If  they  think  themselves  not  strong  enough  to  do  this, 
they  surely  will  carry  their  arms  (having  ships  of  war 
and  transports  ready)  to  some  other  part  of  the  conti 
nent,  or  relinquish  the  dispute ;  the  last  of  which  the 
ministry,  unless  compelled,  will  never  agree  to  do. 
Our  works  and  those  of  the  enemy  are  so  near,  and 
the  space  between  is  so  open,  that  each  sees  everything 
the  other  is  doing. 

I  recollect  nothing  more  worth  mentioning.  I  shall 
therefore  conclude,  with  my  best  wishes  and  love  to 
my  sister  and  the  family,  and  compliments  to  any  in 
quiring  friends. 

Your  most  affectionate  brother. 

III.     TO    JOSEPH    REED. 

CAMBRIDGE,  14  January,  1776. 

DEAR  SIR  :  The  bearer  presents  an  opportunity 
to  me  of  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  your  favor  of 


IN   CAMP   AT   CAMBRIDGE.  Gl 

the  30th  ultimo,  which  never  came  to  my  hands  till 
last  night,  and,  if  I  have  not  done  it  before,  of  your 
other  letter  of  the  23d  preceding. 

The  hints  you  have  communicated  from  time  to 
time  not  only  deserve,  but  do  most  sincerely  and  cor 
dially  meet  with  my  thanks.  You  cannot  render  a 
more  acceptable  service,  nor  in  my  estimation  give  me 
a  more  convincing  proof  of  your  friendship,  than  by  a 
free,  open,  and  undisguised  account  of  every  matter 
relative  to  myself  or  conduct.  I  can  bear  to  hear  of 
imputed  or  real  errors.  The  man  who  wishes  to  stand 
well  in  the  opinion  of  others,  must  do  this ;  because 
he  is  thereby  enabled  to  correct  his  faults  or  remove 
the  prejudices  which  are  imbibed  against  him.  For 
this  reason,  I  shall  thank  you  for  giving  me  the  opin 
ions  of  the  world  upon  such  points  as  you  know  me  to 
be  interested  in ;  for,  as  I  have  but  one  capital  object 
in  view,  I  could  wish  to  make  my  conduct  coincide 
with  the  wishes  of  mankind,  as  far  as  I  can  consist 
ently  ;  I  mean,  without  departing  from  that  great  line 
of  duty  which,  though  hid  under  a  cloud  for  some 
time,  from  a  peculiarity  of  circumstances,  may  never 
theless  bear  a  scrutiny. 

My  constant  attention  to  the  great  and  perplexing 
objects,  which  continually  rise  to  my  view,  absorbs  all 
lesser  considerations,  and  indeed  scarcely  allows  me  to 
reflect  that  there  is  such  a  body  in  existence  as  the 
General  Court  of  this  colony,  but  when  I  am  reminded 
of  it  by  a  committee  ;  nor  can  I,  upon  recollection,  dis 
cover  in  what  instances  (I  wish  they  would  be  more 
explicit)  I  have  been  inattentive  to,  or  slighted  them. 
They  could  not,  surely,  conceive  that  there  was  a  pro 
priety  in  unbosoming  the  secrets  of  an  army  to  them  ; 
that  it  was  necessary  to  ask  their  opinion  of  throwing 


62  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

up  an  intrenchment,  or  forming-  a  battalion.  It  must, 
therefore,  be  what  I  before  hinted  to  you  ;  and  how  to 
remedy  it  I  hardly  know,  as  I  am  acquainted  with  few 
of  the  members,  never  go  out  of  my  own  lines,  nor  see 
any  of  them  in  them. 

I  am  exceedingly  sorry  to  hear  that  your  little  fleet 
has  been  shut  in  by  the  frost.  I  hope  it  has  sailed  ere 
this,  and  given  you  some  proof  of  the  utility  of  it, 
and  enabled  the  Congress  to  bestow  a  little  more  at 
tention  to  the  affairs  of  this  army,  which  suffers  ex 
ceedingly  by  their  overmuch  business,  or  too  little 
attention  to  it.  We  are  now  without  any  money  in 
our  treasury,  powder  in  our  magazines,  or  arms  in  our 
stores.  We  are  without  a  brigadier  (the  want  of 
whom  has  been  twenty  times  urged),  engineers,  ex 
presses  (though  a  committee  has  been  appointed  these 
two  months  to  establish  them),  and  by  and  by,  when 
we  shall  be  called  upon  to  take  the  field,  shall  not  have 
a  tent  to  lie  in.  Apropos,  what  is  doing  with  mine  ? 

These  are  evils,  but  small  in  comparison  of  those 
which  disturb  my  present  repose.  Our  enlistments 
are  at  a  stand  ;  the  fears  I  ever  entertained  are  real 
ized  ;  that  is,  the  discontented  officers  (for  I  do  not 
know  how  else  to  account  for  it)  have  thrown  such 
difficulties  or  stumbling-blocks  in  the  way  of  recruit 
ing,  that  I  no  longer  entertain  a  hope  of  completing  the 
army  by  voluntary  enlistments,  and  I  see  no  move  or 
likelihood  to  do  it  by  other  means.  In  the  two  last 
weeks  we  have  enlisted  but  about  a  thousand  men ; 
whereas  I  was  confidently  led  to  believe,  by  all  the 
officers  I  conversed  with,  that  we  should  by  this  time 
have  had  the  regiments  nearly  completed.  Our  total 
number  upon  paper  amounts  to  about  ten  thousand 
five  hundred ;  but  as  a  large  portion  of  these  are  re- 


IN   CAMP  AT  CAMBRIDGE.  63 

turned  not  joined,  I  never  expect  to  receive  them,  as 
an  ineffectual  order  has  once  issued  to  call  them  in. 
Another  is  now  gone  forth,  peremptorily  requiring  all 
officers,  under  pain  of  being  cashiered,  and  recruits  of 
being  treated  as  deserters,  to  join  their  respective  reg 
iments  by  the  1st  day  of  next  month,  that  I  may  know 
my  real  strength  ;  but  if  my  fears  are  not  imaginary, 
I  shall  have  a  dreadful  account  of  the  advanced 
month's  pay.  In  consequence  of  the  assurances  given, 
and  my  expectation  of  having  at  least  men  enough 
enlisted  to  defend  our  lines,  to  which  may  be  added 
my  unwillingness  to  burden  the  cause  with  unneces 
sary  expense,  no  relief  of  militia  has  been  ordered  in 
to  supply  the  places  of  those  who  are  released  from 
their  engagements  to-morrow,  and  as  to  whom,  though 
many  have  promised  to  continue  out  the  month,  there 
is  no  security  for  their  stay. 

Thus  am  I  situated  with  respect  to  men.  With  re 
gard  to  arms  I  am  yet  worse  off.  Before  the  dissolu 
tion  of  the  old  army,  I  issued  an  order  directing  three 
judicious  men  of  each  brigade  to  attend,  review,  and 
appraise  the  good  arms  of  every  regiment ;  and  find 
ing  a  very  great  unwillingness  in  the  men  to  part  with 
their  arms,  at  the  same  time  not  having  it  in  my  power 
to  pay  them  for  the  months  of  November  and  Decem 
ber,  I  threatened  severely,  that  every  soldier,  who 
should  carry  away  his  firelock  without  leave,  should 
never  receive  pay  for  those  months  ;  yet  so  many  have 
been  carried  off,  partly  by  stealth,  but  chiefly  as  con 
demned,  that  we  have  not  at  this  time  one  hundred 
guns  in  the  stores,  of  all  that  have  been  taken  in  the 
prize-ship  and  from  the  soldiery,  notwithstanding  our 
regiments  are  not  half  complete.  At  the  same  time 
I  am  told,  and  believe  it,  that  to  restrain  the  enlist- 


64  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

ment  to  men  with  arms,  you  will  get  but  few  of  the 
former,  and  still  fewer  of  the  latter  which  would  be 
good  for  anything. 

How  to  get  furnished  I  know  not.  I  have  applied 
to  this  and  the  neighboring  colonies,  but  with  what 
success  time  only  can  tell.  The  reflection  on  my  situ 
ation,  and  that  of  this  army,  produces  many  an  un 
happy  hour  when  all  around  me  are  wrapped  in  sleep. 
Few  people  know  the  predicament  we  are  in,  on  a 
thousand  accounts ;  fewer  still  will  believe,  if  any  dis 
aster  happens  to  these  lines,  from  what  cause  it  flows. 
I  have  often  thought  how  much  happier  I  should  have 
been,  if,  instead  of  accepting  the  command  under  such 
circumstances,  I  had  taken  my  musket  on  my  shoulder 
and  entered  the  ranks,  or,  if  I  could  have  justified 
the  measure  to  posterity  and  my  own  conscience,  had 
retired  to  the  back  country,  and  lived  in  a  wigwam. 
If  I  shall  be  able  to  rise  superior  to  these  and  many 
other  difficulties  which  might  be  enumerated,  I  shall 
most  religiously  believe  that  the  finger  of  Providence 
is  in  it,  to  blind  the  eyes  of  our  enemies  ;  for  surely 
if  we  get  well  through  this  month,  it  must  be  for  want 
of  their  knowing  the  disadvantages  we  labor  under. 

Could  I  have  foreseen  the  difficulties  which  have 
come  upon  us ;  could  I  have  known  that  such  a  back 
wardness  would  have  been  discovered  among  the  old 
soldiers  to  the  service,  all  the  generals  upon  earth 
should  not  have  convinced  me  of  the  propriety  of  de 
laying  an  attack  upon  Boston  till  this  time.  When  it 
can  now  be  attempted,  I  will  not  undertake  to  say ; 
but  thus  much  I  will  answer  for,  that  no  opportunity 
can  present  itself  earlier  than  my  wishes.  But  as  this 
letter  discloses  some  interesting  truths,  I  shall  be 
somewhat  uneasy  until  I  hear  it  gets  to  your  hands, 
although  the  conveyance  is  thought  safe. 


MR.    OR    GENERAL  WASHINGTON.  65 

VII. 
MR.  WASHINGTON    OR   GENERAL   WASHINGTON. 

NOT  long  after  the  declaration  of  independence  an  English 
fleet  arrived  in  New  York  Bay,  bringing  a  large  body  of  troops, 
under  the  command  of  Lord  Howe,  who  with  his  brother,  Ad 
miral  Howe,  had  been  appointed  commissioners  to  treat  with  the 
Americans.  In  reality,  they  only  brought  a  promise  of  pardon 
to  rebels.  It  was  very  clear  to  Washington  that  the  British 
government  had  not  the  slightest  intention  of  listening  to  the 
grievances  of  the  colonies  with  a  desire  to  redress  them  ;  but  that 
they  meant  by  these  proposals  to  distract  the  colonies  if  possible 
and  build  up  a  party  among  them  that  would  oppose  the  actioi.  of 
Congress.  There  was  a  little  incident  attending  the  arrival  of 
the  commissioners  that  showed  the  feeling  which  prevailed.  The 
letter  which  follows,  written  by  Washington  to  the  President  of 
Congress,  describes  the  affair.  Possibly  it  sounds  like  very  small 
business.  In  reality  it  meant  a  great  deal.  Were  Washington  and 
other  officers  rebels  against  the  king,  or  were  they  the  officers  of  a 
government  which  had  declared  itself  independent  of  the  king  ? 
Lord  Howe  gave  up  trying  to  force  Washington  into  the  trap,  and 
wrote  to  his  government  that  it  would  be  necessary  in  future  to 
give  the  American  commander  his  title.  Little  things  like  this 
went  a  great  way  toward  making  the  people  stand  erect  and 
look  the  world  in  the  face. 

TO   THE   PRESIDENT   OF    CONGRESS. 

NEW  YORK,  14  July,  1776. 

SIR  :  General  Sullivan,  in  a  letter  of  the  2d  instant, 
Informs  me  of  his  arrival  with  the  army  at  Crown 
Point,  where  he  is  fortifying  and  throwing  up  works. 
He  adds,  that  he  has  secured  all  the  stores  except 
three  cannon  left  at  Chamblee,  which  in  part  is  made 
up  by  taking  a  fine  twelve-pounder  out  of  the  lake. 
The  army  is  sickly,  many  with  the  small-pox ;  and  he 
is  apprehensive  the  militia,  o?  dered  to  join  them,  wil) 


66  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

not  escape  the  infection.  An  officer,  whom  he  had 
sent  to  reconnoitre,  had  reported  that  he  saw  at  St. 
John's  about  a  hundred  and  fifty  tents,  twenty  at  St. 
Roy's,  and  fifteen  at  Chamblee ;  and  works  at  the 
first  were  busily  carrying  on. 

About  three  o'clock  this  afternoon  I  was  informed 
that  a  flag  from  Lord  Howe  was  coming  up,  and 
waited  with  two  of  our  whale-boats  until  directions 
should  be  given.  I  immediately  convened  such  of  the 
general  officers  as  were  not  upon  other  duty,  who 
agreed  in  opinion  that  I  ought  not  to  receive  any  letter 
directed  to  me  as  a  private  gentleman ;  but  if  other 
wise,  and  the  officer  desired  to  come  up  to  deliver  the 
letter  himself,  as  was  suggested,  he  should  come  under 
a  safe-conduct.  Upon  this,  I  directed  Colonel  Eeed 
to  go  down  and  manage  the  affair  under  the  above 
general  instruction.  On  his  return  he  informed  me, 
that,  after  the  common  civilities,  the  officer  acquainted 
him  that  he  had  a  letter  from  Lord  Howe  to  Mr. 
Washington,  which  he  showed  under  a  superscription, 
"To  George  Washington,  Esq."  Colonel  Reed  re 
plied  that  there  was  no  such  person  in  the  army,  and 
that  a  letter  intended  for  the  General  could  not  be  re 
ceived  under  such  a  direction.  The  officer  expressed 
great  concern,  said  it  was  a  letter  rather  of  a  civil 
than  military  nature,  that  Lord  Howe  regretted  he 
had  not  arrived  sooner,  that  he  (Lord  Howe)  had 
great  powers.  The  anxiety  to  have  the  letter  received 
was  very  evident,  though  the  officer  disclaimed  all 
knowledge  of  its  contents.  However,  Colonel  Reed's 
instructions  being  positive,  they  parted.  After  they 
had  got  some  distance,  the  officer  with  the  flag  again 
put  about,  and  asked  under  what  direction  Mr.  Wash 
ington  chose  to  be  addressed ;  to  which  Colonel  Reed 


MR.    OR    GENERAL   WASHINGTON.  67 

answered  that  his  station  was  well  known,  and  that 
certainly  they  could  be  at  no  loss  how  to  direct  to  him. 
The  officer  said  they  knew  and  lamented  it ;  and  again 
repeated  his  wish,  that  the  letter  could  be  received. 
Colonel  Reed  told  him  a  proper  direction  would  ob 
viate  all  difficulties,  and  that  this  was  no  new  matter, 
this  subject  having  been  fully  discussed  in  the  course 
of  the  last  year,  of  which  Lord  Howe  could  not  be 
ignorant ;  upon  which  they  parted. 

I  would  not  upon  any  occasion  sacrifice  essentials  to 
punctilio ;  but  in  this  instance,  the  opinion  of  others 
concurring  with  my  own,  I  deemed  it  a  duty  to  my 
country  and  my  appointment  to  insist  upon  that  re 
spect  which,  in  any  other  than  a  public  view,  I  would 
willingly  have  waived.  Nor  do  I  doubt  but,  from  the 
supposed  nature  of  the  message,  and  the  anxiety  ex 
pressed,  they  will  either  repeat  their  flag,  or  fall  upon 
some  mode  to  communicate  the  import  and  conse 
quence  of  it. 

The  passage  of  the  ships  of  war  and  tenders  up  the 
river  is  a  matter  of  great  importance,  and  has  excited 
much  conjecture  and  speculation.  To  me  two  things 
have  occurred  as  leading  them  to  this  proceeding : 
first,  a  design  to  seize  on  the  narrow  passes  on  both 
sides  of  the  river,  giving  almost  the  only  land  com 
munication  with  Albany,  and  of  consequence  with  our 
northern  army,  for  which  purpose  they  might  have 
troops  concealed  on  board,  which  they  deemed  compe 
tent  of  themselves,  as  the  defiles  are  narrow  ;  or  that 
they  would  be  joined  by  many  disaffected  persons  in 
that  quarter.  Others  have  added  a  probability  of 
their  having  a  large  quantity  of  arms  on  board,  to  be 
in  readiness  to  put  into  the  hands  of  the  Tories  im 
mediately  on  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  or  rather  at  the 


68  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

time  they  intend  to  make  their  attack.  The  second  is, 
to  cut  off  entirely  all  intercourse  between  this  place 
and  Albany  by  water,  and  the  upper  country,  and 
to  prevent  supplies  of  every  kind  from  going  and 
coming. 

These  matters  are  truly  alarming,  and  of  such  im 
portance,  that  I  have  written  to  the  Provincial  Con 
gress  of  New  York,  and  recommended  to  their  serioue 
consideration  the  adoption  of  every  possible  expedient 
to  guard  against  the  two  first;  and  have  suggested 
the  propriety  of  their  employing  the  militia,  or  some 
part  of  them,  in  the  counties  in  which  these  defiles 
are,  to  keep  the  enemy  from  possessing  them,  till  fur 
ther  provision  can  be  made ;  and  to  write  to  the  sev 
eral  leading  persons  on  our  side  in  that  quarter  to  be 
attentive  to  all  the  movements  of  the  ships  and  the 
disaffected,  in  order  to  discover  and  frustrate  what 
ever  pernicious  schemes  they  have  in  view. 

In  respect  to  the  second  conjecture  of  my  own,  and 
which  seems  to  be  generally  adopted,  I  have  the  pleas 
ure  to  inform  Congress,  that,  if  their  design  is  to 
keep  the  armies  from  provision,  the  commissary  has 
told  me  upon  inquiry,  that  he  has  forwarded  supplies 
to  Albany  (now  there  and  above  it)  sufficient  for 
ten  thousand  men  for  four  months;  that  he  has  a 
sufficiency  here  for  twenty  thousand  men  for  three 
months,  and  an  abundant  quantity  secured  in  different 
parts  of  the  Jerseys  for  the  Flying  Camp,  besides 
having  about  four  thousand  barrels  of  flour  in  some 
neighboring  part  of  Connecticut.  Upon  this  head, 
there  is  but  little  occasion  for  any  apprehensions,  at 
least  for  a  considerable  time. 


AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  69 

VIII. 

AT  VALLEY  FORGE. 

THE  American  army  was  defeated  at  the  battle  of  Brandy- 
wine,  September  10,  1777.  Afterward,  at  Germautown,  it  had 
better  fortune,  but  the  British  were  in  possession  of  Philadelphia, 
and  Washington  led  his  army  into  winter  -  quarters  at  Valley 
Forge.  The  place  was  equally  distant  with  Philadelphia  from 
the  Brandywine  and  from  the  ferry  across  the  Delaware  into 
New  Jersey.  It  was  too  far  from  Philadelphia  to  be  in  peril  from 
attack,  and  yet  it  was  so  near  that  the  American  army  could,  if 
opportunity  offered,  descend  quickly  upon  the  city.  Then  it 
was  so  protected  by  hills  and  streams  that  the  addition  of  a  few 
lines  of  fortification  made  it  very  secure. 

But  there  was  no  town  at  Valley  Forge,  and  it  became  neces 
sary  to  provide  some  shelter  for  the  soldiers  other  than  the  can 
vas  tents  which  served  in  the  field  in  summer.  It  was  the  middle 
of  December  when  the  army  began  preparations  for  the  winter, 
and  Washington  gave  directions  for  the  building  of  the  little 
village.  Each  hut  was  to  hold  twelve  persons,  and  was  to  be 
fourteen  feet  by  sixteen,  the  sides,  ends,  and  roof  to  be  made  of 
logs,  and  the  sides  made  tight  with  clay.  There  was  to  be  a  fire 
place  in  the  rear  of  each  hut,  built  of  wood,  but  lined  with  clay 
eighteen  inches  thick.  The  walls  were  to  be  six  and  a  half  feet 
high.  Huts  were  also  to  be  provided  for  the  officers,  and  to  be 
placed  in  the  rear  of  those  occupied  by  the  troops.  All  these  were 
to  be  regularly  arranged  in  streets.  A  visitor  to  the  camp  when 
the  huts  were  being  built  wrote  of  the  army  :  "  They  appear  to 
me  like  a  family  of  beavers,  every  one  busy  ;  some  carrying  logs, 
others  mud,  and  the  rest  plastering  them  together."  It  was 
bitter  cold,  and  for  a  month  the  men  were  hard  at  work. 

But  in  what  sort  of  condition  were  the  men  themselves  when 
they  began  this  work  ?  Here  is  a  picture  of  one  of  these  men 
on  his  way  to  Valley  Forge.  "  His  bare  feet  peep  through  his 
worn-out  shoes,  his  legs  nearly  naked  from  the  tattered  remains 
of  an  only  pair  of  stockings,  his  breeches  not  enough  to  cover 
his  nakedness,  his  shirt  hanging  in  strings,  his  hair  disheveled,  his 
face  wan  and  thin,  his  look  hungry,  his  whole  appearance  that  of 


TO  GEORGE   WASHIXGTOX. 

a  man  forsaken  and  neglected."  And  the  snow  was  falling  ! 
This  was  one  of  the  privates.  The  officers  were  scarcely 
better  orV.  One  was  wrapped  "ill  a  sort  of  dressin^-u'own  made 
from  an  old  blanket  or  woolen  bed-cover."  The  uniforms  were 
torn  and  ragged  ;  the  guns  were  rusty  ;  a  few  only  had  bavo- 
nets  :  the  soldiers  carried  their  powder  in  tin  boxes  and  eow 
horns. 

To  explain  why  this  army  was  so  poor  and  forlorn,  would  In 
to  tell  a  long  story.  It  may  be  summed  up  brietiy  in  these 
words  :  the  army  was  not  taken  care  of  because  there  was  no 
country  to  take  care  of  it.  There  were  thirteen  States,  and  each 
of  these  States  sent  troops  into  the  lield.  but  all  of  the  States 
were  jealous  of  each  other.  There  was  a  Congress,  which  under 
took  to  direct  the  war,  but  the  members  of  Congress,  coming 
from  the  several  States,  were  jealous  of  one  another.  The  first 
fervor  with  which  they  had  talked  about  a  common  country  had 
died  away  ;  there  were  some  very  seltish  men  in  Congress,  who 
could  not  be  patriotic  enough  to  think  of  the  whole  country. 

The  truth  is.  it  takes  a  long  time  for  the  people  of  a  country  to 
come  to  feel  that  they  have  a  country.  Up  to  the  time  of  the  war 
for  independence  the  people  in  America  did  not  care  much  for 
one  another  or  for  America.  They  had  really  been  preparing  to 
be  a  nation,  but  they  did  not  know  it.  They  were  angry  with 
Great  Britain,  and  they  knew  they  had  been  wronged.  They  were 
therefore  ready  to  fight ;  but  it  does  not  require  so  much  courage 
to  right  as  to  endure  suffering  and  to  be  patient.  So  it  was 
that  the  people  of  America  who  were  most  conscious  that  they 
were  Americans  were  the  men  who  were  in  the  army,  and  their 
wives  and  mothers  and  sisters  at  home.  All  these  were  making 
sacrifices  for  their  country  and  so  learning  to  love  it.  The  men 
in  the  army  came  from  different  States,  and  there  was  a  great  deal 
of  State  feeling  among  them  ;  but,  after  all,  they  belonged  to  one 
.irmy,  the  continental  army,  and  they  had  much  more  in  common 
.  h;in  they  had  separately.  Especially  they  had  a  groat  leader 
who  made  no  distinction  between  Virginians  and  Xew  England 
men.  Washington  felt  keenly  all  the  lack  of  confidence  which 
Congress  showed.  He  saw  that  the  spirit  in  Congress  was  one 
which  kept  the  people  divided,  while  the  spirit  at  Valley  Forge 
kept  the  people  united.  It  was  during  this  terrible  winter  that 
he  wrote  the  following  letter. 


AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  71 


TO   THE    PRESIDENT   OF   CONGRESS. 

VALLEY  FORGE,  23  December,  1777. 

SIR  :  Full  as  I  was  in  my  representation  of  the 
matters  in  the  commissary's  department  yesterday, 
fresh  and  more  powerful  reasons  oblige  me  to  add,  that 
I  am  now  convinced  beyond  a  doubt,  that,  unless  some 
great  and  capital  change  suddenly  takes  place  in  that 
line,  this  army  must  inevitably  be  reduced  to  one  or 
other  of  these  three  things :  starve,  dissolve,  or  disperse 
in  order  to  obtain  subsistence  in  the  best  manner  they 
can.  Rest  assured,  sir,  this  is  not  an  exaggerated 
picture,  and  that  I  have  abundant  reason  to  suppose 
what  I  say. 

Yesterday  afternoon,  receiving  information  that  the 
enemy  in  force  had  left  the  city,  and  were  advancing 
towards  Derby  with  the  apparent  design  to  forage  and 
draw  subsistence  from  that  part  of  the  country,  I 
ordered  the  troops  to  be  in  readiness,  that  I  might 
give  every  opposition  in  my  power ;  when  behold,  to 
my  great  mortification,  I  was  not  only  informed  but 
convinced,  that  the  men  were  unable  to  stir  on  account 
of  provision,  and  that  a  dangerous  mutiny,  begun 
the  night  before,  and  which  with  difficulty  was  sup 
pressed  by  the  spirited  exertions  of  some  officers,  was 
still  much  to  be  apprehended  for  want  of  this  article. 
This  brought  forth  the  only  commissary  in  the  pur 
chasing  line  in  this  camp  ;  and,  with  him,  this  melan 
choly  and  alarming  truth,  that  he  had  not  a  single 
hoof  of  any  kind  to  slaughter,  and  not  more  than 
twenty-five  barrels  of  flour!  From  hence  form  an 
opinion  of  our  situation  when  1  add  that  he  could  not 
tell  when  to  expect  any. 

All  I  could  do,  under  these  circumstances,  was  to 


T2  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

send  out  a  few  light  parties  to  watch  and  harass  the 
enemy,  whilst  other  parties  were  instantly  detached 
different  ways  to  collect,  if  possible,  as  much  provis 
ion  as  would  satisfy  the  present  pressing  wants  of  the 
soldiery.  But  will  this  answer  ?  No,  sir  :  three  or 
four  days  of  bad  weather  would  prove  our  destruction. 
What,  then,  is  to  become  of  the  army  this  winter? 
And  if  we  are  so  often  without  provisions  now,  what  is 
to  become  of  us  in  the  spring,  when  our  force  will  be 
collected,  with  the  aid  perhaps  of  militia  to  take  ad 
vantage  of  an  early  campaign,  before  the  enemy  can 
be  reinforced?  These  are  considerations  of  great 
magnitude,  meriting  the  closest  attention  ;  and  they 
will,  when  my  own  reputation  is  so  intimately  con 
nected  with  the  event  as  to  be  affected  by  it,  justify 
my  saying,  that  the  present  commissaries  are  by  no 
means  equal  to  the  execution  of  the  office,  or  that  the 
disaffection  of  the  people  is  past  all  belief.  The  mis 
fortune,  however,  does  in  my  opinion  proceed  from  both 
causes  ;  and  though  I  have  been  tender  heretofore  of 
giving  my  opinion,  or  lodging  complaints,  as  the 
change  in  that  department  took  place  contrary  to  my 
judgment,  and  the  consequences  thereof  were  pre 
dicted  ;  yet,  finding  that  the  inactivity  of  the  army, 
whether  for  want  of  provisions,  clothes,  or  other  es 
sentials,  is  charged  to  my  account,  not  only  by  the 
common  vulgar  but  by  those  in  power,  it  is  time  to 
speak  plain  in  exculpation  of  myself.  With  truth, 
then,  I  can  declare,  that  no  man  in  my  opinion  ever 
had  his  measures  more  impeded  than  I  have,  by  every 
department  of  the  army. 

Since  the  month  of  July  we  have  had  no  assistance 
the  quartermaster-general,  and  to  want  of  assist 
from  this  department  the  commissary -genera 


AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  73 

charges  great  part  of  his  deficiency.  To  this  I  am  to 
add,  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  a  standing  order,  and 
often  repeated,  that  the  troops  shall  always  have  two 
days'  provisions  by  them,  that  they  might  be  ready  at 
any  sudden  call ;  yet  an  opportunity  has  scarcely  ever 
offered,  of  taking  advantage  of  the  enemy,  that  hac 
not  been  either  totally  obstructed,  or  greatly  impeded 
on  this  account.  And  this,  the  great  and  crying  evil,  is 
not  all.  The  soap,  vinegar,  and  other  articles  allowed 
by  Congress,  we  see  none  of,  nor  have  we  seen  them, 
I  believe,  since  the  Battle  of  Brandy  wine.  The  first, 
indeed,  we  have  now  little  occasion  for ;  few  men 
having  more  than  one  shirt,  many  only  the  moiety  of 
one,  and  some  none  at  all.  In  addition  to  which,  as  a 
proof  of  the  little  benefit  received  from  a  clothier- 
general,  and  as  a  further  proof  of  the  inability  of  an 
army,  under  the  circumstances  of  this,  to  perform  the 
common  duties  of  soldiers,  (besides  a  number  of  men 
confined  to  hospitals  for  want  of  shoes,  and  others  in 
farmers'  houses  on  the  same  account,)  we  have,  by  a 
field  return  this  day  made,  no  less  than  two  thousand 
eight  hundred  and  ninety-eight  men  now  in  camp  unfit 
for  duty,  because  they  are  barefoot  and  otherwise 
naked.  By  the  same  return  it  appears  that  our  whole 
strength  in  Continental  troops,  including  the  eastern 
brigades,  which  have  joined  us  since  the  surrender  of 
General  Burgoyne,  exclusive  of  the  Maryland  troops 
sent  to  Wilmington,  amounts  to  no  more  than  eight 
thousand  two  hundred  in  camp  fit  for  duty;  notwith 
standing  which,  and  that  since  the  4th  instant,  our 
numbers  fit  for  duty,  from  the  hardships  and  ex 
posures  they  have  undergone,  particularly  on  account 
of  blankets  (numbers  having  been  obliged,  and  still 
are,  to  sit  up  all  night  by  fires,  instead  of  taking 


74  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

comfortable  rest  in  a  natural  and  common  way),  have 
decreased  near  two  thousand  men. 

We  find  gentlemen,  without  knowing  whether  the 
army  was  really  going  into  winter-quarters  or  not  (for 
I  am  sure  no  resolution  of  mine  would  warrant  the 
remonstrance),  reprobating  the  measure  as  much  as 
if  they  thought  the  soldiers  were  made  of  stocks  or 
stones,  and  equally  insensible  of  frost  and  snow  ;  and 
moreover,  as  if  they  conceived  it  easily  practicable  for 
an  inferior  army,  under  the  disadvantages  I  have 
described  ours  to  be,  which  are  by  no  means  exagger 
ated,  to  confine  a  superior  one,  in  all  respects  well  ap 
pointed  and  provided  for  a  winter's  campaign,  within 
the  city  of  Philadelphia,  and  to  cover  from  depreda 
tion  and  waste  the  States  ot  Pennsylvania  and  Jersey. 
But  what  makes  this  matter  still  more  extraordinary 
in  my  eye  is  that  these  very  gentlemen  —  who  were 
well  apprised  of  the  nakedness  of  the  troops  from 
ocular  demonstration,  who  thought  their  own  soldiers 
worse  clad  than  others,  and  who  advised  me  near  a 
month  ago  to  postpone  the  execution  of  a  plan  I  was 
about  to  adopt,  in  consequence  of  a  resolve  of  Con 
gress  for  seizing  clothes,  under  strong  assurances  that 
an  ample  supply  would  be  collected  in  ten  days  agree 
ably  to  a  decree  of  the  State  (not  one  article  of  which, 
by  the  by,  is  yet  come  to  hand)  —  should  think  a 
winter's  campaign,  and  the  covering  of  these  States 
from  the  invasion  of  an  enemy,  so  easy  and  practicable 
a  business.  I  can  assure  those  gentlemen,  that  it  is 
a  much  easier  and  less  distressing  thing  to  draw  re 
monstrances  in  a  comfortable  room  by  a  good  fireside, 
than  to  occupy  a  cold  bleak  hill,  and  sleep  under  frost 
and  snow,  without  clothes  or  blankets.  However,  al 
though  they  seem  to  have  little  feeling  for  the  naked 


AT  VALLEY  FORGE.  75 

and  distressed  soldiers,  I  feel  superabundantly  for 
them,  and  from  my  soul  I  pity  those  miseries,  which 
it  is  neither  in  my  power  to  relieve  nor  prevent. 

It  is  for  these  reasons,  therefore,  that  I  have  dwelt 
upon  the  subject ;  and  it  adds  not  a  little  to  my  othei 
difficulties  and  distress  to  find  that  much  more  is  ex 
pected  of  me  than  is  possible  to  be  performed,  and  thai 
upon  the  ground  of  safety  and  policy  I  am  obliged 
to  conceal  the  true  state  of  the  army  from  public  view, 
and  thereby  expose  myself  to  detraction  and  calumny. 
The  honorable  committee  of  Congress  went  from  camp 
fully  possessed  of  my  sentiments  respecting  the  estab 
lishment  of  this  army,  the  necessity  of  auditors  of 
accounts,  the  appointment  of  officers,  and  new  arrange 
ments.  I  have  no  need,  therefore,  to  be  prolix  upon 
these  subjects,  but  I  refer  to  the  committee.  I  shall 
add  a  word  or  two  to  show,  first  the  necessity  of  some 
better  provision  for  binding  the  officers  by  the  tie  of  in 
terest  to  the  service,  as  no  day  nor  scarce  an  hour  passes 
without  the  offer  of  a  resigned  commission  ;  (other 
wise  I  much  doubt  the  practicability  of  holding  the 
army  together  much  longer,  and  in  this  I  shall  proba 
bly  be  thought  the  more  sincere,  when  I  freely  declare 
that  I  do  not  myself  expect  to  derive  the  smallest  bene 
fit  from  any  establishment  that  Congress  may  adopt, 
otherwise  than  as  a  member  of  the  community  at  large 
in  the  good,  which  I  am  persuaded  will  result  from  the 
measure,  by  making  better  officers  and  better  troops:) 
and,  secondly,  to  point  out  the  necessity  of  making  the 
appointments  and  arrangements  without  loss  of  time. 
We  have  not  more  than  three  months  in  which  to  pre 
pare  a  great  deal  of  business.  If  we  let  these  slip  or 
waste,  we  shall  be  laboring  under  the  same  difficulties 
all  next  campaign,  as  we  have  been  this,  to  rectify 
mistakes  and  bring  things  to  order. 


76  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

Military  arrangement,  and  movements  in  conse 
quence,  like  the  mechanism  of  a  clock,  will  be  imperfect 
and  disordered  by  the  want  of  a  part.  In  a  very  sen 
sible  degree  have  I  experienced  this,  in  the  course  of 
the  last  summer,  several  brigades  having  no  brigadiers 
appointed  to  them  till  late,  and  some  not  at  all ;  by 
which  means  it  follows  that  an  additional  weight  is 
thrown  upon  the  shoulders  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
to  withdraw  his  attention  from  the  great  line  of  his 
duty.  The  gentlemen  of  the  committee,  when  they 
were  at  camp,  talked  of  an  expedient  for  adjusting 
these  matters,  which  I  highly  approved  and  wish  to  see 
adopted :  namely,  that  two  or  three  members  of  the 
Board  of  War,  or  a  committee  of  Congress,  should 
repair  immediately  to  camp,  where  the  best  aid  can  be 
had,  and  with  the  commanding  officer,  or  a  committee 
of  his  appointment,  prepare  and  digest  the  most  per 
fect  plan  that  can  be  devised  for  correcting  all  abuses 
and  making  new  arrangements  ;  considering  what  is  to 
be  done  with  the  weak  and  debilitated  regiments,  if  the 
States  to  which  they  belong  will  not  draft  men  to  fill 
them,  for  as  to  enlisting  soldiers  it  seems  to  me  to  be 
totally  out  of  the  question  ;  together  with  many  other 
things  that  would  occur  in  the  course  of  such  a  con 
ference  ;  and,  after  digesting  matters  in  the  best 
manner  they  can,  to  submit  the  whole  to  the  ultimate 
determination  of  Congress. 

If  this  measure  is  approved,  I  would  earnestly  ad 
vise  the  immediate  execution  of  it,  and  that  the  com 
missary-general  of  purchases,  whom  I  rarely  see,  may 
be  directed  to  form  magazines  without  a  moment's 
delay  in  the  neighborhood  of  this  camp,  in  order  to 
secure  provision  for  us  in  case  of  bad  weather.  The 
quartermaster-general  ought  also  to  be  busy  in  his 


FAREWELL    TO    THE  ARMY.  77 

department.  In  short,  there  is  as  much  to  be  done  in 
preparing  for  a  campaign  as  in  the  active  part  of  it. 
Everything  depends  upon  the  preparation  that  is  made 
in  the  several  departments,  and  the  success  or  mis 
fortunes  of  the  next  campaign  will  more  than  proba 
bly  originate  with  our  activity  or  supineness  during 
this  winter. 


IX. 

FAREWELL   TO   THE   ARMY. 

THE  terrible  winter  at  Valley  Forge  was  the  lowest  point  of 
depression  reached  during  the  war  for  independence.  The  army 
during  that  winter  was  splendidly  drilled  by  Baron  Steuben,  and 
in  the  spring  news  came  that  a  treaty  had  been  made  with 
France.  Cornwallis  surrendered  October  19,  1781,  and  after 
two  more  years,  a  treaty  of  peace  was  signed  with  Great  Britain, 
and  Washington,  November  2, 1783,  issued  from  Princeton,  New 
Jersey,  where  Congress  was  in  session,  the  following  farewell 
address. 

The  United  States  in  Congress  assembled,  after 
giving  the  most  honorable  testimony  to  the  merits  of 
the  federal  armies,  and  presenting  them  with  the 
thanks  of  their  country  for  their  long,  eminent,  and 
faithful  services,  having  thought  proper,  by  their  proc 
lamation  bearing  date  the  18th  day  of  October  last, 
to  discharge  such  part  of  the  troops  as  were  engaged 
for  the  war,  and  to  permit  the  officers  on  furloughs  to 
retire  from  service,  from  and  after  to-morrow ;  which 
proclamation  having  been  communicated  in  the  public 
papers  for  the  information  and  government  of  all  con 
cerned,  it  only  remains  for  the  commander -in -chief 
to  address  himself  once  more,  and  that  for  the  last 


78  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

time,  to  the  armies  of  the  United  States  (however 
widely  dispersed  the  individuals  who  composed  them 
may  be),  and  to  bid  them  an  affectionate,  a  long  fare 
well. 

But  before  the  commander-in-chief  takes  his  final 
leave  of  those  he  holds  most  dear,  he  wishes  to  indulge 
himself  a  few  moments  in  calling  to  mind  a  slight 
review  of  the  past.  He  will  then  take  the  liberty  of 
exploring  with  his  military  friends  their  future  pros 
pects,  of  advising  the  general  line  of  conduct  which, 
in  his  opinion,  ought  to  be  pursued ;  and  he  will  con 
clude  the  address  by  expressing  the  obligations  he 
feels  himself  under  for  the  spirited  and  able  assistance 
he  has  experienced  from  them,  in  the  performance  of 
an  arduous  office. 

A  contemplation  of  the  complete  attainment  (at  a 
period  earlier  than  could  have  been  expected)  of  the 
object  for  which  we  contended  against  so  formidable 
a  power,  cannot  but  inspire  us  with  astonishment 
and  gratitude.  The  disadvantageous  circumstances 
on  our  part,  under  which  the  war  was  undertaken, 
can  never  be  forgotten.  The  singular  interpositions 
of  Providence  in  our  feeble  condition  were  such  as 
could  scarcely  escape  the  attention  of  the  most  unob- 
serving;  while  the  unparalleled  perseverance  of  the 
armies  of  the  United  States,  through  almost  every 
possible  suffering  and  discouragement  for  the  space  of 
eight  long  years,  was  little  short  of  a  standing  miracle. 

It  is  not  the  meaning  nor  within  the  compass  of 
this  address  to  detail  the  hardships  peculiarly  inci 
dent  to  our  service,  or  to  describe  the  distresses  which 
in  several  instances  have  resulted  from  the  extremes 
of  hunger  and  nakedness,  combined  with  the  rigors  of 
an  inclement  season  ;  nor  is  it  necessary  to  dwell  on 


FAREWELL    TO    THE   ARMY.  79 

the  dark  side  of  our  past  affairs.  Every  American 
officer  and  soldier  must  now  console  himself  for  any 
unpleasant  circumstances  which  may  have  occurred, 
by  a  recollection  of  the  uncommon  scenes  of  which  he 
has  been  called  to  act  no  inglorious  part,  and  the 
astonishing  events  of  which  he  has  been  a  witness ; 
events  which  have  seldom,  if  ever  before,  taken  place 
on  the  stage  of  human  action  nor  can  they  probably 
ever  happen  again.  For  who  has  before  seen  a  disci 
plined  army  formed  at  once  from  such  raw  materials  ? 
Who,  that  was  not  a  witness,  could  imagine,  that  the 
most  violent  local  prejudices  would  cease  so  soon  ;  and 
that  men,  who  came  from  the  different  parts  of  the 
continent,  strongly  disposed  by  the  habits  of  education 
to  despise  and  quarrel  with  each  other,  would  instantly 
become  but  one  patriotic  band  of  brothers  ?  Or  who, 
that  was  not  on  the  spot,  can  trace  the  steps  by  which 
such  a  wonderful  revolution  has  been  effected,  and  such 
a  glorious  period  put  to  all  our  warlike  toils  ? 

It  is  universally  acknowledged  that  the  enlarged 
prospects  of  happiness,  opened  by  the  confirmation  of 
our  independence  and  sovereignty,  almost  exceed  the 
power  of  description.  And  shall  not  the  brave  men, 
who  have  contributed  so  essentially  to  these  inestima 
ble  acquisitions,  retiring  victorious  from  the  field  of 
war  to  the  field  of  agriculture,  participate  in  all  the 
blessings  which  have  been  obtained?  In  such  a  re 
public,  who  will  exclude  them  from  the  rights  of  citi 
zens,  and  the  fruits  of  their  labor  ?  In  such  a  coun 
try,  so  happily  circumstanced,  tlie  pursuits  of  commerce 
and  the  cultivation  of  the  soil  will  unfold  to  industry 
the  certain  road  to  competence.  To  those  hardy  sol 
diers,  who  are  actuated  by  the  spirit  of  adventure,  the 
fisheries  will  afford  ample  and  profitable  employment; 


80  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

and  the  extensive  and  fertile  regions  of  the  West  will 
yield  a  most  happy  asylum  to  those  who,  fond  of 
domestic  enjoyment,  are  seeking  for  personal  indepen 
dence.  Nor  is  it  possible  to  conceive  that  any  one  of 
the  United  States  will  prefer  a  national  bankruptcy, 
and  a  dissolution  of  the  Union,  to  a  compliance  with 
the  requisitions  of  Congress,  and  the  payment  of  its 
just  debts ;  so  that  the  officers  and  soldiers  may  expect 
considerable  assistance,  in  recommencing  their  civil  oc 
cupations,  from  the  sums  due  to  them  from  the  public, 
which  must  and  will  most  inevitably  be  paid. 

In  order  to  effect  this  desirable  purpose,  and  to  re 
move  the  prejudices  which  may  have  taken  possession 
of  the  minds  of  any  of  the  good  people  of  the  States, 
it  is  earnestly  recommended  to  all  the  troops  that,  with 
strong  attachments  to  the  Union,  they  should  carry 
with  them  into  civil  society  the  most  conciliating  dis 
positions,  and  that  they  should  prove  themselves  not 
less  virtuous  and  useful  as  citizens  than  they  have 
been  persevering  and  victorious  as  soldiers.  What 
though  there  should  be  some  envious  individuals,  who 
are  unwilling  to  pay  the  debt  the  public  has  con 
tracted,  or  to  yield  the  tribute  due  to  merit ;  yet  let 
such  unworthy  treatment  produce  no  invectives,  nor 
any  instance  of  intemperate  conduct.  Let  it  be  re 
membered  that  the  unbiased  voice  of  the  free  citizens 
of  the  United  States  has  promised  the  just  reward  and 
given  the  merited  applause.  Let  it  be  known  and 
remembered  that  the  reputation  of  the  federal  armies 
is  established  beyond  the  reach  of  malevolence ;  and 
let  a  consciousness  of  their  achievements  and  fame 
still  incite  the  men  who  composed  them  to  honorable 
actions  ;  under  the  persuasion  that  the  private  virtues 
of  economy,  prudence  and  industry  will  not  be  less 


FAREWELL    TO    THE  ARMY.  81 

amiable  in  civil  life  than  the  more  splendid  qualities 
of  valor,  perseverance  and  enterprise  were  in  the  field. 
Every  one  may  rest  assured  that  much,  very  much  of 
the  future  happiness  of  the  officers  and  men  will 
depend  upon  the  wise  and  manly  conduct  which  shall 
be  adopted  by  them  when  they  are  mingled  with  the 
great  body  of  the  community.  And  although  the 
general  has  so  frequently  given  it  as  his  opinion  in 
the  most  public  and  explicit  manner  that,  unless  the 
principles  of  the  federal  government  were  properly 
supported,  and  the  powers  of  the  Union  increased, 
the  honor,  dignity  and  justice  of  the  nation  would  be 
lost  forever ;  yet  he  cannot  help  repeating  on  this  oc 
casion  so  interesting  a  sentiment,  and  leaving  it  as 
his  last  injunction  to  every  officer  and  every  soldier, 
who  may  view  the  subject  in  the  same  serious  point 
of  light,  to  add  his  best  endeavors  to  those  of  his 
worthy  fellow -citizens  toward  effecting  these  great 
and  valuable  purposes,  on  which  our  very  existence 
as  a  nation  so  materially  depends. 

The  commander  -  in  -  chief  conceives  little  is  now 
wanting  to  enable  the  soldiers  to  change  the  military 
character  into  that  of  the  citizen,  but  that  steady  and 
decent  tenor  of  behavior  which  has  generally  distin 
guished,  not  only  the  army  under  his  immediate  com 
mand,  but  the  different  detachments  and  separate 
armies  through  the  course  of  the  war.  From  their 
good  sense  and  prudence  he  anticipates  the  happiest 
consequences,  and  while  he  congratulates  them  on  the 
glorious  occasion  which  renders  their  services  in  the 
field  no  longer  necessary,  he  wishes  to  express  the 
strong  obligations  he  feels  himself  under  for  the  assist 
ance  he  has  received  from  every  class  and  in  every 
instance.  He  presents  his  thanks  in  the  most  serious 


GE  OR  GE    WA  SUING  TON. 

and  affectionate  manner  to  the  general  officers,  as  well 
for  their  counsel  on  many  interesting  occasions,  as  for 
their  ardor  in  promoting  the  success  of  the  plans  he 
had  adopted  ;  to  the  commandants  of  regiments  and 
corps,  and  to  the  other  officers,  for  their  great  zeal 
and  attention  in  carrying  his  orders  promptly  into 
execution  ;  to  the  staff,  for  their  alacrity  and  exact 
ness  in  performing  the  duties  of  their  several  depart 
ments  ;  and  to  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  pri 
vate  soldiers,  for  their  extraordinary  patience  and 
suffering,  as  well  as  their  invincible  fortitude  in  ac 
tion.  To  the  various  branches  of  the  army  the  Gen 
eral  takes  this  last  and  solemn  opportunity  of  pro 
fessing  his  inviolable  attachment  and  friendship.  He 
wishes  more  than  bare  professions  were  in  his  power ; 
that  he  were  really  able  to  be  useful  to  them  all  in 
future  life.  He  flatters  himself,  however,  they  will 
do  him  the  justice  to  believe,  that  whatever  could  with 
propriety  be  attempted  by  him  has  been  done. 

And  being  now  to  conclude  these  his  last  public 
orders,  to  take  his  ultimate  leave  in  a  short  time  of 
the  military  character,  and  to  bid  a  final  adieu  to  the 
armies  he  has  so  long  had  the  honor  to  command,  he 
can  only  again  offer  in  their  behalf  his  recommenda 
tions  to  their  grateful  country,  and  his  prayers  to  the 
God  of  armies.  May  ample  justice  be  done  them 
here,  and  may  the  choicest  of  Heaven's  favors,  both 
here  and  hereafter,  attend  those  who,  under  the  Di 
vine  auspices,  have  secured  innumerable  blessings  for 
others.  With  these  wishes  and  his  benediction,  the 
commander-in-chief  is  about  to  retire  from  service. 
The  curtain  of  separation  will  soon  be  drawn,  and  the 
military  scene  to  him  will  be  closed  forever. 


FAREWELL   ADDRESS    TO    THE   PEOPLE.      83 


X. 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS   TO  THE  PEOPLE   OF  THE   UNITED 
STATES. 

WASHINGTON  was  chosen  first  President  of  the  United  States9 
and  at  the  end  of  his  term  he  was  again  chosen.  When  his 
second  term  drew  near  its  close,  he  refused  to  be  a  candidate 
for  reelection,  and  six  months  before  he  was  to  leave  the  Presi 
dent's  chair  he  issued  the  following  farewell  address,  September 
17,  1796. 

FRIENDS  AND  FELLOW-CITIZENS  :  The  period  for 
a  new  election  of  a  citizen,  to  administer  the  execu 
tive  government  of  the  United  States,  being  not  far 
distant,  and  the  time  actually  arrived  when  your 
thoughts  must  be  employed  in  designating  the  person 
who  is  to  be  clothed  with  that  important  trust,  it  ap 
pears  to  me  proper,  especially  as  it  may  conduce  to  a 
more  distinct  expression  of  the  public  voice,  that  I 
should  now  apprise  you  of  the  resolution  I  have 
formed,  to  decline  being  considered  among  the  num 
ber  of  those  out  of  whom  a  choice  is  to  be  made. 

I  beg  you,  at  the  same  time,  to  do  me  the  justice  to 
be  assured,  that  this  resolution  has  not  been  taken 
without  a  strict  regard  to  all  the  considerations  apper 
taining  to  the  relation  which  binds  a  dutiful  citizen  to 
his  country ;  and  that,  in  withdrawing  the  tender  of 
service,  which  silence  in  my  situation  might  imply,  I 
am  influenced  by  no  diminution  of  zeal  for  your  fu 
ture  interest ;  no  deficiency  of  grateful  respect  for 
your  past  kindness  ;  but  am  supported  by  a  full  con 
viction  that  the  step  is  compatible  with  both. 

The  acceptance  of,  and  continuance  hitherto  in,  the 
office  to  which  your  suffrages  have  twice  called  me, 


84  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

have  been  a  uniform  sacrifice  of  inclination  to  the 
opinion  of  duty,  and  to  a  deference  for  what  appeared 
to  be  your  desire.  I  constantly  hoped  that  it  would 
have  been  much  earlier  in  my  power,  consistently  with 
motives  which  I  was  not  at  liberty  to  disregard,  to  re 
turn  to  that  retirement  from  which  I  had  been  reluc 
tantly  drawn.  The  strength  of  my  inclination  to  do 
this,  previous  to  the  last  election,  had  even  led  to  the 
preparation  of  an  address  to  declare  it  to  you  ;  but 
mature  reflection  on  the  then  perplexed  and  critical 
posture  of  our  affairs  with  foreign  nations,  and  the 
unanimous  advice  of  persons  entitled  to  my  confidence, 
impelled  me  to  abandon  the  idea. 

I  rejoice  that  the  state  of  your  concerns,  external  as 
well  as  internal,  no  longer  renders  the  pursuit  of  incli 
nation  incompatible  with  the  sentiment  of  duty  or 
propriety ;  and  am  persuaded,  whatever  partiality  may 
be  retained  for  my  services,  that,  in  the  present  cir 
cumstances  of  our  country,  you  will  not  disapprove 
my  determination  to  retire. 

The  impressions  with  which  I  first  undertook  the 
arduous  trust  were  explained  on  the  proper  occasion. 
In  the  discharge  of  this  trust  I  will  only  say  that  I 
have  with  good  intentions  contributed  toward  the  or 
ganization  and  administration  of  the  government  the 
best  exertions  of  which  a  very  fallible  judgment  was 
capable.  Not  unconscious  in  the  outset  of  the  inferi 
ority  of  my  qualifications,  experience  in  my  own  eyes, 
perhaps  still  more  in  the  eyes  of  others,  has  strength 
ened  the  motives  to  diffidence  of  myself ;  and  every 
day  the  increasing  weight  of  years  admonishes  me 
more  and  more  that  the  shade  of  retirement  is  as 
necessary  to  me  as  it  will  be  welcome.  Satisfied  that, 
if  any  circumstances  have  given  peculiar  value  to  my 


FAREWELL   ADDRESS    TO    THE  PEOPLE.       85 

services,  they  were  temporary,  I  have  the  consolation 
to  believe  that,  while  choice  and  prudence  invite  me  to 
quit  the  political  scene,  patriotism  does  not  forbid  it. 

In  looking  forward  to  the  moment  which  is  in 
tended  to  terminate  the  career  of  my  public  life,  my 
feelings  do  not  permit  me  to  suspend  the  deep  ac 
knowledgment  of  that  debt  of  gratitude  which  I  owe 
to  my  beloved  country  for  the  many  honors  it  has  con 
ferred  upon  me ;  still  more  for  the  steadfast  confi 
dence  with  which  it  has  supported  me  ;  and  for  the 
opportunities  I  have  thence  enjoyed  of  manifesting 
my  inviolable  attachment  by  services  faithful  and  per 
severing,  though  in  usefulness  unequal  to  my  zeal.  If 
benefits  have  resulted  to  our  country  from  these  ser 
vices,  let  it  always  be  remembered  to  your  praise,  and 
as  an  instructive  example  in  our  annals,  that  under 
circumstances  in  which  the  passions,  agitated  in  every 
direction,  were  liable  to  mislead,  amidst  appearances 
sometimes  dubious,  vicissitudes  of  fortune  often  dis 
couraging,  in  situations  in  which  not  unfrequently 
want  of  success  has  countenanced  the  spirit  of  criti 
cism,  the  constancy  of  your  support  was  the  essential 
prop  of  the  efforts,  and  a  guaranty  of  the  plans  by 
which  they  were  effected.  Profoundly  penetrated  with 
this  idea,  I  shall  carry  it  with  me  to  my  grave,  as  a 
strong  incitement  to  unceasing  vows  that  Heaven  may 
continue  to  you  the  choicest  tokens  of  its  beneficence ; 
that  your  union  and  brotherly  affection  may  be  per 
petual  ;  that  the  free  constitution,  which  is  the  work 
of  your  hands,  may  be  sacredly  maintained  ;  that  its 
administration  in  every  department  may  be  stamped 
with  wisdom  and  virtue  ;  that,  in  fine,  the  happiness 
of  the  people  of  these  States,  under  the  auspices  of 
liberty,  may  be  made  complete,  by  so  careful  a  preser- 


86  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

vation  and  so  prudent  a  use  of  this  blessing,  as  will 
acquire  to  them  the  glory  of  recommending  it  to  the 
applause,  the  affection,  and  adoption  of  every  nation 
which  is  yet  a  stranger  to  it. 

Here,  perhaps,  I  ought  to  stop.  But  a  solicitude 
for  your  welfare,  which  cannot  end  but  with  my  life, 
and  the  apprehension  of  danger  natural  to  that  solici 
tude,  urge  me,  on  an  occasion  like  the  present,  to 
offer  to  your  solemn  contemplation,  and  to.  recommend 
to  your  frequent  review,  some  sentiments,  which  are 
the  result  of  much  reflection,  of  no  inconsiderable  ob 
servation,  and  which  appear  to  me  all-important  to 
the  permanency  of  your  felicity  as  a  people.  These 
will  be  offered  to  you  with  the  more  freedom,  as  you 
can  only  see  in  them  the  disinterested  warnings  of 
a  parting  friend,  who  can  possibly  have  no  personal 
motive  to  bias  his  counsel.  Nor  can  I  forget,  as  an 
encouragement  to  it,  your  indulgent  reception  of  my 
sentiments  on  a  former  and  not  dissimilar  occasion. 

Interwoven  as  is  the  love  of  liberty  with  every  liga 
ment  of  your  hearts,  no  recommendation  of  mine  is 
necessary  to  fortify  or  confirm  the  attachment. 

The  unity  of  government,  which  constitutes  you  one 
people,  is  also  now  dear  to  you.  It  is  justly  so  ;  for  it 
is  a  main  pillar  in  the  edifice  of  your  real  independence, 
the  support  of  your  tranquillity  at  home,  your  peace 
abroad  ;  of  your  safety ;  of  your  prosperity ;  ofthat 
very  liberty  which  you  so  highly  prize.  But  as  it  is 
easy  to  foresee  that  from  different  causes  and  from 
different  quarters  much  pains  will  be  taken,  many 
artifices  employed,  to  weaken  in  your  minds  the  convic 
tion  of  this  truth ;  as  this  is  the  point  in  your  political 
fortress  against  which  the  batteries  of  internal  and 
external  enemies  will  be  most  constantly  and  actively 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS   TO    THE  PEOPLE.      87 

(though  often  covertly  and  insidiously)  directed,  it  is 
of  infinite  moment  that  you  should  properly  estimate 
the  immense  value  of  your  national  union  to  your  col-  *— 
lective  and  individual    happiness ;    that   you    should 
cherish  a  cordial,  habitual,  and  immovable  attachment 
to  it ;  accustoming  yourselves  to  think  and  speak  of  it 
as  of  the  palladium  of  your  political  safety  and  pros 
perity  ;    watching   for    its   preservation    with  jealous  U  - 
anxiety ;  discountenancing  whatever  may  suggest  even 
a  suspicion  that  it  can  in  any  event  be  abandoned ; 
and  indignantly  frowning  upon  the^^r^^dawjiing  of 
everyjittempt  to  alienate  any  portion  of  our  country    ) 
from  the  rest,  or  toenTeeble  the  pai^H  tips  wTn^ITra'W  / 
link  Jjogetherjthe various  parts. 

For  this  you  have  every  inducement  of  sympathy 
and  interest.     Citizens,  by  birth  or  choice,  of  a  com 
mon  country,  that  country  has  a  right  to  concentrate 
your  affections.    The  name  of  America,  which  belongs 
to  you,  in  your  national  capacity,  must  always  exalt   "~~ 
the  just  pride  of  patriotism,  more  than  any  appella 
tion  derived  from  local  discriminations.     With  slight  \ 
shades  of  difference,  you  have  the  same  religion,  man-  ]  _y 
ners,  habits,  and  political  principles.     You  have  in  a  /  ' 
common  cause  fought  and  triumphed  together ;  the 
independence  and  liberty  you  possess  are  the  work  of 
pint  counsels  and  joint  efforts,  of  common  dangers, 
sufferings  and  successes. 

But  these  considerations,  however  powerfully  they 
address  themselves  to  your  sensibility,  are  greatly  out 
weighed  by  those  which  apply  more  immediately  to 
your  interest.  Here  every  portion  of  our  country  finds 
the  most  commanding  motives  for  carefully  guarding 
and  preserving  the  union  of  the  whole. 

The  North,  in  an  unrestrained  intercourse  with  the 


88  GEORGE   WASHINGTON. 

South,  protected  by  the  equal  laws  of  a  common  gov 
ernment,  finds  in  the  productions  of  the  latter  great 
additional  resources  of  maritime  and  commercial  en 
terprise  and  precious  materials  of  manufacturing  in 
dustry.  The  South  in  the  same  intercourse,  benefiting 
by  the  agency  of  the  North,  sees  its  agriculture  grow 
and  its  commerce  expand.  Turning  partly  into  its 
own  channels  the  seamen  of  the  North,  it  finds  its 
particular  navigation  invigorated ;  and,  while  it  con 
tributes  in  different  ways  to  nourish  and  increase  the 
general  mass  of  the  national  navigation,  it  looks  for 
ward  to  the  protection  of  a  maritime  strength,  to 
which  itself  is  unequally  adapted.  The  East,  in  a 
like  intercourse  with  the  West,  already  finds,  and  in 
the  progressive  improvement  of  interior  communica 
tions  by  land  and  water  will  more  and  more  find,  a 
valuable  vent  for  the  commodities  which  it  brings 
from  abroad,  or  manufactures  at  home.  The  West 
derives  from  the  East  supplies  requisite  to  its  growth 
and  comfort,  and,  what  is  perhaps  of  still  greater  con 
sequence,  it  must  of  necessity  owe  the  secure  enjoy 
ment  of  indispensable  outlets  for  its  own  productions 
to  the  weight,  influence,  and  the  future  maritime 
strength  of  the  Atlantic  side  of  the  Union,  directed 
Nby  an  indissoluble  community  of  interest  as  one  na 
tion.  Any  other  tenure  by  which  the  West  can  hold 
this  essential  advantage,  whether  derived  from  its  own 
separate  strength  or  from  an  apostate  and  unnatural 
connection  with  any  foreign  power,  must  be  intrinsi 
cally  precarious. 

While,  then,  every  part  of  our  country  thus  feels 
an  immediate  and  particular  interest  in  union,  all  the 
parts  combined  cannot  fail  to  find  in  the  united  mass 
of  means  and  efforts  greater  strength,  greater  resource, 


FAREWELL   ADDRESS    TO    THE   PEOPLE.      89 

proportionally  greater  security  from  external  danger, 
a  less  frequent  interruption  of  their  peace  by  foreign 
nations,  and,  what  is  of  inestimable  value,  they  must 
derive  from  union  an  exemption  from  those  broils  and 
wars  between  themselves,  which  so  frequently  afflict 
neighboring  countries  not  tied  together  by  the  same 
governments,  which  their  own  rivalships  alone  would 
be  sufficient  to  produce,  but  which  opposite  foreign 
alliances,  attachments,  and  intrigues  would  stimulate 
and  embitter.  Hence,  likewise,  they  will  avoid  the 
necessity  of  those  overgrown  military  establishments^?* 
which,  under  any  form  of  government,  are  inau 
spicious  to  liberty,  and  which  are  to  be  regarded  as 
particularly  hostile  to  republican  liberty.  In  this 
sense  it  is  that  your  union  ought  to  be  considered  as 
a  main  prop  of  your  liberty,  and  that  the  love  of  the 
one  ought  to  endear  to  you  the  preservation  of  the 
other. 

These  considerations  speak  a  persuasive  language  to 
every  reflecting  and  virtuous  mind,  and  exhibit  the 
continuance  of  the  Union  as  a  primary  object  of  patri 
otic  desire.  Is  there  a  doubt  whether  a  common 
government  can  embrace  so  large  a  sphere  ?  Let  ex 
perience  solve  it.  To  listen  to  mere  speculation  in 
such  a  case  were  criminal.  We  are  authorized  to  hope 
that  a  proper  organization  of  the  whole,  with  the  aux 
iliary  agency  of  governments  for  the  respective  subdi 
visions,  will  afford  a  happy  issue  to  the  experiment. 
It  is  well  worth  a  fair  and  full  experiment.  With 
such  powerful  and  obvious  motives  to  union,  affecting 
all  parts  of  our  country,  while  experience  shall  not 
have  demonstrated  its  impracticability,  there  will  al 
ways  be  reason  to  distrust  the  patriotism  of  those  who  W// 
in  any  quarter  may  endeavor  to  weaken  its  bands.  ' 


90  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

In  contemplating  the  causes  which  may  disturb  our 
Union,  it  occurs  as  a  matter  of  serious  concern,  that 
any  ground  should  have  been  furnished  for  charac 
terizing  parties  by  geographical  discriminations  Nor 
thern  and  Southern,  Atlantic  and  Western  ;  whence 
designing  men  may  endeavor  to  excite  a  belief  that 
(  there  is  a  real  difference  of  local  interests  and  views. 
One  of  the  expedients  of  party  to  acquire  influence, 
within  particular  districts,  is  to  misrepresent  the  opin 
ions  and  aims  of  other  districts.  You  cannot  shield 
/  yourselves  too  much  against  the  jealousies  and  heart 
-burnings  which  spring  from  these  misrepresentations ; 
they  tend  to  render  alien  to  each  other  those  who 
ought  to  be  bound  together  by  fraternal  affection. 
The  inhabitants  of  our  western  country  have  lately 
had  a  useful  lesson  on  this  head ;  they  have  seen,  in 
the  negotiation  by  the  executive,  and  in  the  unanimous 
ratification  by  the  senate,  of  the  treaty  with  Spain, 
and  in  the  universal  satisfaction  at  that  event  through 
out  the  United  States,  a  decisive  proof  how  unfounded 
were  the  suspicions  propagated  among  them  of  a  pol 
icy  in  the  general  government  and  in  the  Atlantic 
States  unfriendly  to  their  interests  in  regard  to  the 
Mississippi ;  they  have  been  witnesses  to  the  forma 
tion  of  two  treaties,  that  with  Great  Britain  and  that 
with  Spain,  which  secure  to  them  everything  they 
could  desire,  in  respect  to  our  foreign  relations, 
towards  confirming  their  prosperity.  Will  it  not  be 
their  wisdom  to  rely  for  the  preservation  of  these  ad 
vantages  on  the  Union  by  which  they  were  procured  ? 
Will  they  not  henceforth  be  deaf  to  those  advisers, 
if  such  there  are,  who  would  sever  them  from  their 
brethren  and  connect  them  with  aliens  ? 

To  the  efficacy  and  permanency  of  your  union,  a 


FAREWELL   ADDRESS    TO    THE   PEOPLE.      91 

government  for  the  whole  is  indispensable.     No  al 
liances,  however  strict,  between  the  parts  can  be  an 
adequate  substitute  ;  they  must  inevitably  experience 
the  infractions  and  interruptions   which  all  alliances 
in  all  times  have  experienced.     Sensible  of  this  nio- 
mentous  truth,    you   have  improved  upon  your  first 
essay,  by  the  adoption  of  a  constitution  of  govern 
ment  better  calculated  than  your  former  for  an  inti 
mate  union,  and  for  the  efficacious  management   of 
your  common   concerns.      This  government,   the  off 
spring  of  our  own  choice,  uninfluenced  and  unawed, 
adopted  upon  full  investigation  and  mature  delibera 
tion,  completely  free  in  its  principles,  in  the  distribu 
tion  of  its  powers,  uniting  security  with  energy,  and 
containing  within  itself  a  provision  for  its  own  amend 
ment,  has  a  just  claim  to  your  confidence  and  your 
support.     Eespect  for  its  authority,  compliance  with  I 
its  laws,  acquiescence  in  its  measures,  are  duties  en-  /   £/ 
joined  by  the  fundamental   maxims  of  true  Liberty.  [ 
The  basis  of  our  political  systems  is  the  right  of  the 
people  to  make  and  to  alter  their  constitutions  of  gov 
ernment.     But   the    constitution    which    at   any  time 
exists,  till  changed  by  an  explicit  and  authentic  act 
of  the  whole  people,  is  sacredly  obligatory  upon  all.  ^ 
The  very  idea  of  the  power  and  the  right  of  the  peo-  ] 
pie  to  establish  government  presupposes  the  duty  of /^ 
every  individual  to  obey  the  established  government. 

All  obstructions  to  the  execution  of  the  laws^^ali   , 
combinations  and  associations,  under^ whatever  plausi-  Jj  J 
Ele  character,  with  the  real  design  to  direct,  control, 
counteract,  or  awe  the  regular  deliberation   and   ac 
tion  of  the  constituted  authorities,  are  destructive  of 
this  fundamental   principle,   and    of    fatal   tendency. 
They  serve  to  organize  faction,  to  give  it  an  artificial 


j/ 
f\\ 


92  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

and  extraordinary  force ;  to  put  in  the  place  of  the 
delegated  will  of  the  nation,  the  will  of  a  party,  often 
a  small  but  artful  and  enterprising  minority  of  the 
community  ;  and,  according  to  the  alternate  triumphs 
of  different  parties,  to  make  the  public  administration 
the  mirror  of  the  ill-concerted  and  incongruous  pro 
jects  of  fashion,  rather  than  the  organs  of  consistent 
and  wholesome  plans  digested  by  common  councils, 
and  modified  by  mutual  interests. 

However  combinations  or  associations  of  the  above 
description  may  now  and  then  answer  popular  ends, 
they  are  likely,  in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  to  be 
come  potent  engines,  by  which  cunning,  ambitious,  and 
unprincipled  men  will  be  enabled  to  subvert  the  power 
of  the  people,  and  to  usurp  for  themselves  the  reins  of 
government ;  destroying  afterwards  the  very  engines 
which  have  lifted  them  to  unjust  dominion. 

Towards  the  preservation  of  your  government,  and 
the  permanency  of  your  present  happy  state,  it  is 
requisite,  not  only  that  you  steadily  discountenance 
irregular  oppositions  to  its  acknowledged  authority, 
but  also  that  you  resist  with  care  the  spirit  of  innova 
tion  upon  its  principles,  however  specious  the  pre 
texts.  One  method  of  assault  may  be  to  effect,  in  tho 
forms  of  the  constitution,  alterations,  which  will 
impair  the  energy  of  the  system,  and  thus  to  under 
mine  what  cannot  be  directly  overthrown.  In  all  the 
changes  to  which  you  may  be  invited,  remember  that 
time  and  habit  are  at  least  as  necessary  to  fix  the  true 
character  of  governments  as  of  other  human  institu- 
;  that  experience  is  the  surest  standard  by  which 
to  test  the  real  tendency  of  the  existing  constitution 
of  a  country  ;  that  facility  in  changes,  upon  the  credit 
of  mere  hypothesis  and  opinion,  exposes  to  perpetual 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS   TO   THE  PEOPLE.      93 

change,  from  the  endless  variety  of  hypothesis  and 
opinion  ;  and  remember,  especially,  that,  for  the_  effi 
cient  management  of  your  common  interests,  in  a  coun 
try  so  extensive  as  ours,  a  government  of  as  much 
vigor  as  is  consistent  with  the  perfect  security  of  lib 
erty  is  indispensable.  Liberty  itself  will  find  in  such 
a  government,  with  powers  properly  distributed  and 
adjusted,  its  surest  guardian.  It  is,  indeed,  little  else 
than  a  name,  where  the  government  is  too  feeble  to  i 
withstand  the  enterprises  of  faction,  to  confine  each  I 
member  of  the  society  within  the  limits  prescribed  by 
the  laws,  and  to  maintain  all  in  the  secure  and  tran 
quil  enjoyment  of  the  rights_of  person  and  property. 

I  have  already  intimated  to  you~tFe~ctanger  of  par 
ties  in  the  State,  with  particular  reference  to  the 
founding  of  them  on  geographical  discrimination. 
Let  rue  now  take  a  more  comprehensive  view,  and 
warn  you  in  the  most  solemn  manner  against  the  bane 
ful  effects  of  the  spirit^of_£arty,  generally. 

This  spirit,  unfortunately,  is  inseparable  from  our 
nature,  having  its  root  in  the  strongest  passions  of  the 
human  mind.  It  exists  under  different  shapes  in  all 
governments,  more  or  less  stifled,  controlled,  or  re 
pressed  ;  but  in  those  of  the  popular  form  it  is  seen 
in  its  greatest  rankness,  and  is  truly  their  worst 
enemy. 

The  alternate  domination  of  one  faction  over  an 
other,  sharpened  by  the  spirit  of  revenge,  natural  to 
party  dissension,  which  in  different  ages  and  countries 
has  perpetrated  the  most  horrid  enormities,  is  itself  a 
frightful  despotism.  But  this  leads  at  length  to  a 
more  formal  and  permanent  despotism.  The  disor 
ders  and  miseries  which  result,  gradually  incline  the 
minds  of  men  to  seek  security  and  repose  in  the  abso- 


94  GEORGE    WASHINGTON. 

lute  power  of  an  individual ;  and  sooner  or  later  the 
chief  of  some  prevailing  faction,  more  able  or  more 
fortunate  than  his  competitors,  turns  this  disposition 
to  the  purposes  of  his  own  elevation,  on  the  ruins  of 
public  liberty. 

Without  looking  forward  to  an  extremity  of  this 
kind  (which  nevertheless  ought  not  to  be  entirely 
/out  of  sight),  the  common  and  continued  mischiefs  of 
the  spirit  of  party  are  sufficient  to  make  it  the  in 


terest  and  duty  of  a  wise  people  to  discourage  and  re 
strain  it. 

It  serves  always  to  distract  the  public  councils, 
and  enfeeble  the  public  administration.  It  agitates 
the  community  with  ill-founded  jealousies  and  false 
alarms  ;  kindles  the  animosity  of  one  part  against  an 
other,  foments  occasionally  riot  and  insurrection.  It 
opens  the  doors  to  foreign  influence  and  corruption, 
which  find  a  facilitated  access  to  the  government  itself 
through  the  channels  of  party  passions.  Thus  the 
policy  and  the  will  of  one  country  are  subjected  to  the 
policy  and  will  of  another. 

There  is  an  opinion,  that  parties  in  free  countries 
are  useful  checks  upon  the  administration  of  the  gov 
ernment,  and  serve  to  keep  alive  the  spirit  of  liberty. 
This  within  certain  limits  is  probably  true,  and  in 
governments  of  a  monarchical  cast,  patriotism  may 
look  with  indulgence,  if  not  with  favor,  upon  the  spirit 
of  party.  But  in  those  of  the  popular  character,  in 
governments  purely  elective,  it  is  a  spirit  not  to  be 
encouraged.  From  their  natural  tendency,  it  is  cer 
tain  there  will  always  be  enough  of  that  spirit  for 
every  salutary  purpose.  And  there  being  constant 
danger  of  excess,  the  effort  ought  to  be,  by  force  of 
ic  opinion  to  mitigate  and  assuage  it.  A  fire  not 


J^publ 


FAREWELL    ADDRESS    TO    THE   PEOPLE.       95 

to  be  quenched,  it  demands  a  uniform  vigilance  to  pre 
vent  its  bursting  into  a  flame,  lest,  instead  of  warm 
ing,  it  should  consume. 

It  is  important,  likewise,  that  the  habits  of  thinking 
in  a  free  country  should  inspire  caution,  in  those  in 
trusted  with  its  administration,  to  confine  themselves 
within  their  respective  constitutional  spheres,  avoid 
ing  in  the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  one  department  to 
encroach  upon  another.  The  spirit  of  encroachment 
tends  to  consolidate  the  powers  of  all  the  departments 
in  one,  and  thus  to  create,  whatever  the  form  of  gov 
ernment,  a  real  despotism.  A  just  estimate  of  that 
love  of  power,  and  proneness  to  abuse  it,  which  pre 
dominates  in  the  human  heart,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy 
us  of  the  truth  of  this  position.  The  necessity  of 
reciprocal  checks  in  the  exercise  of  political  power,  by 
dividing  and  distributing  it  into  different  depositories, 
and  constituting  each  the  guardian  of  the  public  weal 
against  invasions  by  the  others,  has  been  evinced  by 
experiments  ancient  and  modern,  some  of  them  in  our 
country  and  under  our  own  eyes.  To  preserve  them 
must  be  as  necessary  as  to  institute  them.  If,  in  the 
opinion  of  the  people,  the  distribution  or  modification 
of  the  constitutional  powers  be  in  any  particular 
wrong,  let  it  be  corrected  by  an  amendment  in  the  way 
which  the  Constitution  designates.  But  let  there  be 
no  change  by  usurpation  ;  for,  though  this,  in  one  in 
stance,  may  be  the  instrument  of  good,  it  is  the  cus 
tomary  weapon  by  which  free  governments  are  de 
stroyed.  The  precedent  must  always  greatly  over 
balance  in  permanent  evil  any  partial  or  transient 
benefit  which  the  use  can  at  any  time  yield. 

Of  all  the  dispositions   and  habits  which  lead  to 
political  prosperity,  religion  and  morality  are  indis-  < 


96  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

pensable  supports.  In  vain  would  that  man  claim  the 
tribute  of  patriotism,  who  should  labor  to  subvert 
these  great  pillars  of  human  happiness,  these  firmest 
props  of  the  duties  of  men  and  citizens.  The  mere 
politician  equally  with  the  pious  man  ought  to  respect 
and  to  cherish  them.  A  volume  could  not  trace  all 
their  connections  with  private  and  public  felicity.  Let 
it  simply  be  asked,  Where  is  the  security  for  property, 
for  reputation,  for  life,  if  the  sense  of  religious  obliga 
tion  desert  the  oaths,  which  are  the  instruments  of  in 
vestigation  in  courts  of  justice?  And  let  us  with 
caution  indulge  the  supposition,  that  morality  can  be 
maintained  without  religion.  Whatever  may  be  con 
ceded  to  the  influence  of  refined  education  on  minds 
of  peculiar  structure,  reason  and  experience  both  for 
bid  us  to  expect,  that  national  morality  can  prevail  in 
exclusion  of  religious  principle. 

It  is  substantially  true  that  virtue  or  morality  is  a 
necessary  spring  of  popular  government.  The  rule, 
indeed,  extends  with  more  or  less  force  to  every  species 
of  free  government.  Who,  that  is  a  sincere  friend  to 
it,  can  look  with  indifference  upon  attempts  to  shake 
the  foundation  of  the  fabric  ? 

Promote,  then,  as  an  object  of  primary  importance, 
institutions  for  the  general  diffusion  of  knowledge. 
In  proportion  as  the  structure  of  a  government  gives 
force  to  public  opinion,  it  is  essential  that  public 
opinion  should  be  enlightened. 

As  a  very  important  source  of  strength  and  secu 
rity,  cherish  public  credit.  One  method  of  preserving 
it  is,  to  use  it  as  sparingly  as  possible  ;  avoiding  occa 
sions  of  expense  by  cultivating  peace,  but  remember 
ing  also  that  timely  disbursements  to  prepare  for 
danger  frequently  prevent  much  greater  disburse* 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS    TO    THE  PEOPLE.       97 

ments  to  repel  it ;  avoiding  likewise  the  accumulation 
of  debt,  not  only  by  shunning  occasions  of  expense, 
but  by  vigorous  exertion  in  time  of  peace  to  discharge 
the  debts,  which  unavoidable  wars  may  have  occa 
sioned,  not  ungenerously  throwing  upon  posterity  the 
burden  which  we  ourselves  ought  to  bear.  The  exe 
cution  of  these  maxims  belongs  to  your  representa 
tives,  but  it  is  necessary  that  public  opinion  should 
co-operate.  To  facilitate  to  them  the  performance  of 
their  duty  it  is  essential  that  you  should  practically 
bear  in  mind,  that  towards  the  payment  of  debts  there 
must  be  revenue  ;  that  to  have  revenue  there  must  be 
taxes ;  that  no  taxes  can  be  devised  which  are  not 
more  or  less  inconvenient  and  unpleasant ;  that  the 
intrinsic  embarrassment,  inseparable  from  the  selec 
tion  of  the  proper  objects  (which  is  always  a  choice  of 
difficulties),  ought  to  be  a  decisive  motive  for  a  can 
did  construction  of  the  conduct  of  the  government  in 
making  it,  and  for  a  spirit  of  acquiescence  in  the 
measures  for  obtaining  revenue  which  the  public  exi 
gencies  may  at  any  time  dictate. 

Observe  good  faith  and  justice  towards  all  nations  ; 
cultivate  peace  and  harmony  with  all.  Eeligion  and 
morality  enjoin  this  conduct ;  and  can  it  be,  that  good 
policy  does  not  equally  enjoin  it  ?  It  will  be  worthy 
of  a  free,  enlightened,  and  at  no  distant  period  a 
great  nation,  to  give  to  mankind  the  magnanimous 
and  too  novel  example  of  a  people  always  guided  by 
an  exalted  justice  and  benevolence.  Who  can  doubt 
that  in  the  course  of  time  and  things,  the  fruits  of 
such  a  plan  would  richly  repay  any  temporary  advan 
tages,  which  might  be  lost  by  a  steady  adherence  to 
it  ?  Can  it  be  that  Providence  has  not  connected  the 
permanent  felicity  of  a  nation  with  its  virtue?  The 


98  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

experiment,  at  least,  is  recommended  by  every  senti 
ment  which  ennobles  human  nature.  Alas  !  is  it  ren 
dered  impossible  by  its  vices  ? 

In  the  execution  of  such  a  plan,  nothing  is  more 
essential  than  that  permanent,  inveterate  antipathies 
against  particular  nations,  and  passionate  attachments 
for  others,  should  be  excluded ;  and  that,  in  place  of 
them,  just  and  amicable  feelings  towards  all  should  be 
cultivated.  The  nation  which  indulges  towards  an 
other  an  habitual  hatred,  or  an  habitual  fondness,  is 
in  some  degree  a  slave.  It  is  a  slave  to  its  animosity 
or  to  its  affection,  either  of  which  is  sufficient  to  lead 
it  astray  from  its  duty  and  its  interest.  Antipathy  in 
one  nation  against  another -disposes  each  more  readily 
to  offer  insult  and  injury,  to  lay  hold  of  slight  causes  of 
umbrage,  and  to  be  haughty  and  intractable  when  ac 
cidental  or  trifling  occasions  of  dispute  occur.  Hence, 
frequent  collisions,  obstinate,  envenomed,  and  bloody 
contests.  The  nation,  prompted  by  ill-will  and  resent 
ment,  sometimes  impels  to  war  the  government,  con 
trary  to  the  best  calculations  of  policy.  The  govern 
ment  sometimes  participaTes'ln  the  national  propen 
sity,  and^adopts  through  passion  what  reason  would 
reject/;  at  other  times,  it  makes  the  animosity  of  the 
.nation  subservient  to  projects  of  hostility  instigated 
by  pride,  ambition,  and  other  sinister  and  pernicious 
motives.  The  peace  often,  sometimes  perhaps  the  lib 
erty,  of  nations  has  been  the  victim. 

So  likewise,  a  passionate  attachment  of  one  nation 
for  another  produces  a  variety  of  evils.  Sympathy 
for  the  favorite  nation,  facilitating  the  illusion  of  an 
imaginary  common  interest  in  cases  where  no  real 
common  interest  exists,  and  infusing  into  one  the  en 
mities  of  the  other,  betrays  the  former  into  a  partici. 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS   TO   THE  PEOPLE.       99 

pation  in  the  quarrels  and  wars  of  the  latter,  without 
adequate  inducement  or  justification.  It  leads  also  to 
concessions  to  the  favorite  nation  of  privileges  denied 
to  others,  which  is  apt  doubly  to  injure  the  nation 
making  the  concessions,  by  unnecessarily  parting  with 
what  ought  to  have  been  retained,  and  by  exciting 
jealousy,  ill-will,  and  a  disposition  to  retaliate,  in  the 
parties  from  whom  equal  privileges  are  withheld. 
And  it  gives  to  ambitious,  corrupted,  or  deluded  citi 
zens  (who  devote  themselves  to  the  favorite  nation), 
facility  to  betray  or  sacrifice  the  interests  of  their  own 
country,  without  odium,  sometimes  even  with  popular 
ity  ;  gilding  with  the  appearances  of  a  virtuous  sense 
of  obligation,  a  commendable  deference  for  public 
opinion,  or  a  laudable  zeal  for  public  good,  the  base 
or  foolish  compliances  of  ambition,  corruption,  or  in 
fatuation. 

As  avenues  to  foreign  influence  in  innumerable 
ways  such  attachments  are  particularly  alarming  to 
the  truly  enlightened  and  independent  patriot.  How 
many  opportunities  do  they  afford  to  tamper  with 
domestic  factions,  to  practise  the  arts  of  seduction,  to 
mislead  public  opinion,  to  influence  or  awe  the  public 
councils!  Such  an  attachment  of  a  small  or  weak, 
towards  a  great  and  powerful  nation,  dooms  the  for 
mer  to  be  the  satellite  of  the  latter. 

Against  the  insidious  wiles  of  foreign  influence  (I 
conjure  you  to  believe  me,  fellow-citizens),  the  jeal 
ousy  of  a  free  people  ought  to  be  constantly  awake, 
since  history  and  experience  prove  that  foreign  influ 
ence  is  one  of  the  most  baneful  foes  of  republican 
government.  But  that  jealousy,  to  be  useful,  must  be 
impartial ;  else  it  becomes  the  instrument  of  the  very 
influence  to  be  avoided,  instead  of  a  defence  against  it. 


100/  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Excessive  partiality  for  one  foreign  nation,  and  exces 
sive  dislike  of  another,  cause  those  whom  they  actuate 
to  see  danger  only  on  one  side,  and  serve  to  veil  and 
even  second  the  arts  of  influence  on  the  other.  Real 
patriots  who  may  resist  the  intrigues  of  the  favorite, 
are  liable  to  become  suspected  and  odious ;  while  its 
tools  and  dupes  usurp  the  applause  and  confidence  of 
the  purpose,  to  surrender  their  interests. 

The  great  rule  of  conduct  for  us,  in  regard  to  for 
eign  nations,  is,  in  extending  our  commercial  rela 
tions,  to  have  with  them  as  little  political  connection 
as  possible.  So  far  as  we  have  already  formed  en 
gagements,  let  them  be  fulfilled  with  perfect  good 
faith.  Here  let  us  stop./ 

Europe  has  a  set  of  primary  interests,  which  to  us 
have  none,  or  a  very  remote  relation.  Hence  she 
must  be  engaged  in  frequent  controversies,  the  causes 
of  which  are  essentially  foreign  to  our  concerns. 
Hence,  therefore,  it  must  be  unwise  in  us  to  implicate 
ourselves,  by  artificial  ties,  in  the  ordinary  vicissitudes 
of  her  politics,  or  the  ordinary  combinations  and  collis 
ions  of  her  friendships  or  enmities. 

Our  detached  and  distant  situation  invites  and  en 
ables  us  to  pursue  a  different  course.  If  we  remain 
one  people,  under  an  efficient  government,  the  period 
is  not  far  off  when  we  may  defy  material  injury  from 
external  annoyance ;  when  we  may  take  such  an  atti 
tude  as  will  cause  the  neutrality,  we  may  at  any  time 
resolve  upon,  to  be  scrupulously  respected ;  when  bel 
ligerent  nations,  under  the  impossibility  of  making 
acquisitions  upon  us,  will  not  lightly  hazard  the  giving 
us  provocation ;  when  we  may  choose  peace  or  war,  as 
our  interest,  guided  by  justice,  shall  counsel. 

Why  forego  the  advantages  of  so  peculiar  a  situa 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS   TO   THE  PEOPLE.    101 

tion?  Why  quit  our  own  to  stand  upon  foreign 
ground  ?  Why,  by  interweaving  our  destiny  with  that 
of  any  part  of  Europe,  entangle  our  peace  and  pros 
perity  in  the  toils  of  European  ambition,  rivalship, 
interest,  humor,  or  caprice  ? 

It  is  our  true  policy  to  steer  clear  of  permanent  al 
liauces  with  any  portion  of  the  foreign  world ;  so  far, 
I  mean,  as  we  are  now  at  liberty  to  do  it ;  for  let  me 
not  be  understood  as  capable  of  patronizing  infidelity 
to  existing  engagements.  I  hold  the  maxim  no  less 
applicable  to  public  than  to  private  affairs,  that  hon 
esty  is  always  the  best  policy.  I  repeat  it,  therefore, 
let  those  engagements  be  observed  in  their  genuine 
sense.  But,  in  my  opinion,  it  is  unnecessary  and 
would  be  unwise  to  extend  them. 

Taking  care  always  to  keep  ourselves,  by  suitable 
establishments,  on  a  respectable  defensive  posture,  we 
may  safely  trust  to  temporary  alliances  for  extraordi 
nary  emergencies. 

Harmony,  liberal  intercourse  with  all  nations,  are 
recommended  by  policy,  humanity,  and  interest.  But 
even  our  commercial  policy  should  hold  an  equal  and 
impartial  hand;  neither  seeking  nor  granting  exclu 
sive  favors  or  preferences ;  consulting  the  natural 
course  of  things  ;  diffusing  and  diversifying  by  gentle 
means  the  streams  of  commerce,  but  forcing  nothing ; 
establishing  with  powers  so  disposed,  in  order  to  give 
trade  a  stable  course,  to  define  the  rights  of  our  mer 
chants,  and  to  enable  the  government  to  support  them, 
conventional  rules  of  intercourse,  the  best  that  present 
circumstances  and  mutual  opinion  will  permit,  but 
temporary,  and  liable  to  be  from  time  to  time  aban 
doned  or  varied,  as  experience  and  circumstances  shall 
dictate  ;  constantly  keeping  in  view,  that  it  is  folly  in 


102  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

one  nation  to  look  for  disinterested  favors  from  an 
other  ;  that  it  must  pay  with  a  portion  of  its  indepen 
dence  for  whatever  it  may  accept  under  that  charac 
ter  ;  that,  by  such  acceptance,  it  may  place  itself  in 
the  condition  of  having  given  equivalents  for  nominal 
favors,  and  yet  of  being  reproached  with  ingratitude 
for  not  giving  more.  There  can  be  no  greater  error 
than  to  expect  or  calculate  upon  real  favors  from 
^nation  to  nation.  It  is  an  illusion,  which  experience 
must  cure,  which  a  just  pride  ought  to  discard. 

In  offering  to  you,  my  countrymen,  these  counsels 
of  an  old  and  affectionate  friend,  I  dare  not  hope  they 
will  make  the  strong  and  lasting  impression  I  could 
wish ;  that  they  will  control  the  usual  current  of  the 
passions,  or  prevent  our  nation  from  running  the 
course  which  has  hitherto  marked  the  destiny  of  na 
tions.  But,  if  I  may  even  flatter  myself  that  they 
may  be  productive  of  some  partial  benefit,  some  occa 
sional  good  ;  that  they  may  now  and  then  recur  to 
moderate  the  fury  of  party  spirit,  to  warn  against  the 
mischiefs  of  foreign  intrigue,  to  guard  against  the 
impostures  of  pretended  patriotism  ;  this  hope  will  be 
a  full  recompense  for  the  solicitude  for  your  welfare, 
by  which  they  have  been  dictated. 

How  far  in  the  discharge  of  my  official  duties  I 
have  been  guided  by  the  principles  which  have  been 
delineated,  the  public  records  and  other  evidences  of 
my  conduct  must  witness  to  you  and  to  the  world.  To 
myself,  the  assurance  of  my  own  conscience  is,  that  I 
have  at  least  believed  myself  to  be  guided  by  them. 

In  relation  to  the  still  subsisting  war  in  Europe, 
my  proclamation  of  the  22d  of  April,  1793,  is  the  in 
dex  of  my  plan.  Sanctioned  by  your  approving  voice, 
and  by  that  of  your  Representatives  in  both  Houses 


FAREWELL  ADDRESS   TO   THE  PEOPLE.     103 

of  Congress,  the  spirit  of  that  measure  has  continu 
ally  governed  me,  uninfluenced  by  any  attempts  to 
deter  or  divert  me  from  it. 

After  deliberate  examination,  with  the  aid  of  the 
best  lights  I  could  obtain,  I  was  well  satisfied  that 
our  country,  under  all  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
had  a  right  to  take,  and  was  bound  in  duty  and  inter 
est  to  take,  a  neutraljposition.  Having  taken  it, 
determined,  as  far  as  should  depend  upon  me,  to  main 
tain  it,  with  moderation,  perseverance  and  firmness. 

The  considerations  which  respect  the  right  to  hold 
this  conduct,  it  is  not  necessary  on  this  occasion  to 
detail.  I  will  only  observe,  that,  according  to  my 
understanding  of  the  matter,  that  right,  so  far  from 
being  denied  by  any  of  the  belligerent  powers,  has 
been  virtually  admitted  by  all. 

The  duty  of  holding  a  neutral  conduct  may  be  in 
ferred,  without  anything  more,  from  the  obligation 
which  justice  and  humanity  impose  on  every  nation, 
in  cases  in  which  it  is  free  to  act,  to  maintain  invio 
late  the  relations  of  peace  and  amity  towards  other 
nations. 

The  inducements  of  interest  for  observing  that  con 
duct  will  best  be  referred  to  your  own  reflections  and 
experience.  With  me  a  predominant  motive  has  been 
to  endeavor  to  gain  time  to  our  country  to  settle  and 
mature  its  yet  recent  institutions,  and  to  progress 
without  interruption  to  that  degree  of  strength  and 
consistency  which  is  necessary  to  give  it,  humanly 
speaking,  the  command  of  its  own  fortunes. 

Though,  in  reviewing  the  incidents  of  my  adminis 
tration,  I  am  unconscious  of  intentional  error,  I  am 
nevertheless  too  sensible  of  my  defects  not  to  think 
it  probable  that  I  may  have  committed  many  errors. 


104  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Whatever  they  may  be,  I  fervently  beseech  the  Al 
mighty  to  avert  or  mitigate  the  evils  to  which  they 
may  tend.  I  shall  also  carry  with  me  the  hope  that 
my  country  will  never  cease  to  view  them  with  indul 
gence  ;  and  that,  after  forty-five  years  of  my  life  dedi 
cated  to  its  service  with  an  upright  zeal,  the  faults  of 
incompetent  abilities  will  be  consigned  to  oblivion,  as 
myself  must  soon  be  to  the  mansions  of  rest. 

Relying  on  its  kindness  in  this  as  in  other  things, 
and  actuated  by  that  fervent  love  towards  it,  which 
is  so  natural  to  a  man  who  views  in  it  the  native  soil 
of  himself  and  his  progenitors  for  several  generations, 
I  anticipate  with  pleasing  expectation  that  retreat,  in 
which  I  promise  myself  to  realize,  without  alloy,  the 
sweet  enjoyment  of  partaking,  in  the  midst  of  my  fel 
low-citizens,  the  benign  influence  of  good  laws  under  a 
free  government,  the  ever  favorite  object  of  my  heart, 
and  the  happy  reward,  as  I  trust,  of  our  mutual  cares, 
labors,  and  dangers. 

GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


EVENTS  IN  THE   LIFE  OF  GEORGE  WASHINGTON, 

Born February  22,  1732. 

Father  dies April  12,  1743. 

Leaves  school     .         .         .         .         .         .  Autumn,  1747. 

Goes  on  his  first  surveying  expedition     .       March,  1748. 

Commissioned  adjutant-general,  with  rank 

of  major 1751. 

Sails  for  the  West  Indies  with  his  brother 

Lawrence September,  1751. 

Lawrence  dies,  leaving  George  executor  of 

his  will 1752. 

Is  sent  on  a  mission  to  the  Ohio  Country    .  November  31,  1753. 

Commissioned  lieutenant-colonel     .         .       1754. 

Fights  at  Great  Meadows  ....  July  3,  1754. 

Is  appointed  aid-de-camp  to  General  Brad- 
dock  . 1755. 

Braddock's  defeat July  9,  1755. 

Is  elected  representative  to  the  House  of 
Burgesses 1758. 

Marries  Mrs.  Martha  Custis        .         .         .  January  6,  1759. 

Is  a  member  of  the  first  Continental  Con 
gress 1774. 

Is  a  member  of  the  second  Continental  Con 
gress  1775. 

Appointed  Commander  -  in  -  Chief  of  the 

American  armies  .....  June  15,  1775. 

Takes  command  at  Cambridge        .         .       July  3,  1775. 

Siege  of  Boston  raised        ....  March,  1776. 

Declaration  of  Independence  .         .       July  4,  1776. 

Battle  of  Long  Island         ....  August  22,  1776. 

Battle  of  White  Plains    ....       October  28,  1776. 

Fort  Washington  abandoned        .         .         .  November  16,  1776. 

Battle  of  Trenton November  16,  1776. 


106  GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 

Battle  of  Princeton    .....  January  3,  1777. 

Flag  of  stars  and  stripes  adopted  by  Con 
gress  .  ....  June  14,  1777. 

Battle  of  the  Brandywine       .         .         .       September  10,  1777. 

Battle  of  Germantown        ....  October  4,  1777. 

Ratification  of  Treaty  with  France  .         .       May  2,  1778. 

Battle  of  Monmouth  Court  House      .         .  June  28,  1778. 

Arrival  of  French  fleet  ....       July,  1778. 

Arnold's  treason September,  1780. 

Execution  of  Andre'         ....       October  2,  1780. 

Cornwallis's  surrender  at  Yorktown    .         .  October  19,  1781. 

Takes  leave  of  the  army          .        .         .       November  2,  1783. 

Resigns  his  commission       ....  December  23,  1783.' 

Presides  at  the  Constitutional  Convention,  1787. 

Is  chosen  first  President  of  the  United 
States 1789. 

Inaugurated April  30,  1789. 

His  mother  dies          .         .         .         .         .  August,  1789. 

Makes  a  tour  through  the  Northern  States,  1789. 

Makes  a  tour  through  the  Southern  States,  1790. 

Chosen  for  second  term       ....  1793. 

Issues  proclamation  of  neutrality   .         .      April  22,  1793. 

Nominates  John  Jay  as  envoy  extraordinary 

to  Great  Britain April.16,  1794. 

Signs  the  Jay  Treaty          ....  August  18, 1795. 

Issues  a  Farewell  Address  to  the  people  of 
the  United  States  .  .  .  .  .  September  15, 1796. 

Retires  from  the  Presidency  .         .         .       March  4,  1797. 

Is  nominated  Commander-in-Chief  of  the 

armies  of  the  United  States  .  .  .  July  2,  1798. 

Dies .      December  18,  1799. 


CIVIL  GOVERNMENT 

IN  THE  UNITED  STATES 

CONSIDERED    WITH    SOME 

REFERENCE  TO  ITS 

ORIGINS. 

BY  JOHN    FISKE, 

Author  of  Myths  and  Myth  -  Makers, 
Outlines  of  Cosmic  Philosophy,  The 
Unseen  World,  Recursions  of  an  Evo 
lutionist,  Darwinism  and  other  Es 
says,  The  Destiny  of  Man,  The  Idea 
of  God,  The  Critical  Period  of  Amer 
ican  History,  The  Beginnings  of  New 
England,  The  War  of  Independence, 
The  Discovery  of  America,  etc. 

With  Questions  on  the  Text  by  Frank 
A.  Hill,  Head  Master  of  the  English 
High  School  at  Cambridge,  Mass., 
and  Bibliographical  Notes  by  Mr, 
Fiske.  Crown  8vo,  380  pages,  $1.00, 
net. 


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A  HISTORY  OF 
THE    UNITED    STATES 

FOR  SCHOOLS 


BY 

JOHN   FISKE,  LITT.  D.,  LL.  D. 

WITH  TOPICAL  ANALYSIS,  SUGGESTIVE  QUESTIONS 
AND  DIRECTIONS  FOR   TEACHERS. 

BY 

FRANK  ALPINE   HILL,  LITT.  D. 

FORMERLY   HEAD   MASTER    OF    THE   ENGLISH   HIGH   SCHOOL  IN  CAMBRIDGE 
AND   LATER   OF  THB   MECHANIC  ARTS   HIGH  SCHOOL  IN  BOSTON 

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Fiskes  History  of  the  United  States  contains  229 
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Mr.  Fiske  possesses  the  rare  art  of  going  into  unusual,  out- 
of-the-way  points,  and  even  into  the  minute  scientific  accuracy 
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method,  his  healthy  tone,  and  his  pure,  vigorous  English  raise 
it  far  above  the  ordinary  text-book  to  the  rank  of  first-rate  lit 
erature.  —  The  Independent  (New  York). 

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